At the recent public presentation of the book According to the President by Mallam Garba Shehu, former presidential spokesperson, precisely on July 9, 2025, a moment of unexpected eloquence and emotion stole the spotlight. Amidst a sea of statesmen and dignitaries including former Head of State General Yakubu Gowon, former Vice Presidents Atiku Abubakar and Yemi Osinbajo, and a host of ministers and public figures a young boy, no older than nine, confidently approached the podium. Clad in a flowing white babanriga, he moved with the grace of royalty and the command of a seasoned orator.

With the calm precision of someone far beyond his years, he adjusted the microphone, glanced at the press cameras, and began his speech:

I am the Buhari in us, not just the man, but the meaning. He was a lion, not in his robe, but in his restraints. He walked like a whisper through a marketplace of noise, unshaken by apples, unburned by insults. He wore power like plain clothes, no embroidery, no excess, only weight.

The hall fell silent. All eyes locked on the boy, mouths agape, stunned by the weight of his words and the measured cadence of his voice. He spoke not just with eloquence, but with the conviction of one who believed deeply in what he said.

He portrayed former President Muhammadu Buhari as a quiet but resolute leader a man of integrity, discipline, and restraint, who chose national interest over personal gain. His poetic tribute painted a portrait of a leader rarely seen in Nigerias often loud political landscape.

What struck me most was not merely the childs elegance, stage presence, or mastery of language though all were impressive but the legacy he clearly inherited. This young boy, named after Muhammadu Buhari himself, is the son of Haruna Abdullahi, popularly known as Haruspice a name familiar to many in Nigerias political communication circles.

For more than a decade, I have known Haruspice as a passionate and unwavering supporter of Buhari. Remarkably, his devotion wasnt born of appointment, patronage, or political favour. He held no official position under Buharis administration, yet he defended him with a fervour that sometimes even made close associates like myself slightly uncomfortable particularly when the Presidents decisions merited public scrutiny.

Haruspice responded to criticism of Bihari with articulate, persuasive counter-narratives, grounded in loyalty and genuine conviction. His dedication culminated in the publication of The Buhari in Us, a book that presented Buhari as a symbol, a spirit, and a philosophy of governance grounded in simplicity, discipline, and service.

As someone who hae also admired Buhari from my university days even penning an article titled In Defence of Buhari as far back as 1990 I approached Haruspices book with both interest and critical scrutiny. I eventually published a reflective review titled Image Repair Theory on The Buhari in Us, in which I analysed the book through the lens of the Image Repair Theory (IRT), a crisis communication framework often employed in public relations to defend reputations under threat.

Haruspices work, I noted, masterfully employed IRT strategies such as denial, evasion of responsibility, reduction of offensiveness, and corrective action. His literary flair and persuasive rhetoric were undeniable. But I also pointed out inconsistencies and selective narrations that often accompany such deeply personal, emotionally charged tributes. I warned that while the book was a powerful defence of Buhari, it sometimes crossed into hagiography blurring the lines between fact and reverence.

Nonetheless, Haruspice never wavered in his passion. It is, therefore, no surprise that he groomed his son in the same school of thought, instilling in him the values, charm, and eloquence that marked his own public engagements.

Just days after the book launch came the shocking news of President Buharis passing. Since then, both father and son have continued to pay emotional tributes across various platforms. Their social media pages have become digital archives of praise filled with videos, prayers, and reflections honouring the late leader.

In one especially touching video posted shortly after Buharis death, the young boy appeared visibly heartbroken, yet composed. He spoke in English, interspersed with Arabic verses:
Inna lillahi wa inna ilayhi rajiun… My heart is sullen and heavy over the loss of my hero, President Muhammadu Buhari… Oh Allah, rest his soul and grant him Aljannatul Firdaus…

The boys tribute was not just moving it encapsulated a lineage of loyalty and respect passed down from father to son. In a society where political allegiances often shift with the winds of fortune, the constancy of Haruspice and his young sons admiration for Buhari is a poignant reminder that leadership, regardless of its complexities, can inspire enduring reverence.

President Muhammadu Buhari was a man who sparked admiration and provoked criticism in equal measure. His legacy, like that of many leaders, is layered with achievements, missed opportunities, controversies, and convictions. Yet, in the eyes of some like Haruspice and his son he remains a symbol of quiet strength, national service, and moral restraint.

The young Buharis voice may have echoed through a room of Nigerias political elite, but its real impact lies beyond the event. It speaks to the power of parenting, storytelling, and belief. Whether or not one agrees with the poetic depiction of Buharis legacy, one cannot deny the emotional sincerity and intellectual clarity with which it was delivered.

In that childs voice, one heard not just a tribute to a leader, but a call for a nation to remember and perhaps rediscover the values of discipline, patriotism, and restraint. In an age of noisy leadership, the whisper of Muhammadu Buhari junior (Jnr) rang loud and true.

Yushau A. Shuaib is the author of “An Encounter with the Spymaster”
Email: yashuaib@yashuaib.com

The post A Young Buhari’s Poetic Tribute to a Leader appeared first on YAShuaib.

With quite a reputation behind her, Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala appears to mean different things to different people across the spaces she has straddled. This is why I paused for a moment of contemplation when a professional colleague working in a multilateral institution abroad sought my opinion on the candidacy of Nigeria’s first female Finance minister and also Foreign Affairs minister, for the post of Director-General of the World Trade Organisation (WTO).

This prodding brought to mind in recall the phone call I had received on the evening of Wednesday, March 20, 2013 from her when she was Finance minister, complaining about an article I had written about her and a number of appointments that had then been made in the Nigerian economic sector in a major national newspaper. While I had thanked her for the call, I refrained from tendering an apology for what I still consider as the objective commentary, I made in that article.

Along the line, so many things happened. I was eventually retired from public service. Feeling unfairly treated, I went to court. It was to my utter shock to later discover that prominent civil servants, including directors in the service, were behind the dishonest recommendation for my disengagement from the civil service. Some of the intrigues, episodes and persons behind that ordeal are documented in my book ‘An Encounter With the Spymaster.’

Although reinstated by the court five years later, I have since voluntarily retired from the federal civil service. Meanwhile, three years after the court order for the payment of my entitlements, some civil servants are still dilly-dallying over this directive. In life, one must always be grateful to the Almighty God for sparing one’s life and giving the direction that leads in making one better off than how one was in the past.

However, back to my friend’s request, I understand that the WTO is an intergovernmental organisation, established to promote and regulate international trade, and its Director-General performs both managerial and advisory roles, with member-states being ultimately left to make their own decisions. Surprisingly, no African has served in the top position in the WTO since 1948 in its precursor organisation, the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). The current Director-General of WTO, Mr Roberto Azevêdo has announced his decision to step down on August 31, which makes the position potentially vacant, and in need for the recruitment of a new head.

President Muhammad Buhari must have considered Dr. Okonjo-Iweala’s pedigree and credentials before nominating her as Nigeria’s candidate for the WTO top job. Even though she has not served in any capacity in his administration, the president might have acknowledged her contributions as Nigeria’s first female Finance minister, during which time she spearheaded an ambitious debt relief negotiation with the Paris Club of Creditors during the administration of President Olusegun Obasanjo between 1999 and 2003. The efforts of her team led to the outright cancellation of $18 billion of Nigeria’s total debt stock, and a series of other measures eventually leading to the reduction of the country’s external indebtedness from $35 billion to $5 billion.

Similarly, in her second coming as Finance minister during the tenure of President Goodluck Jonathan between 2011 and 2015, Dr. Okonjo-Iweala was responsible for leading aggressive but praiseworthy reforms that enhanced the transparency of the government’s accounting systems, which strengthened our public institutions against corruption. She introduced the Government Integrated Financial Management System (GIFMS), the Integrated Personnel and Payroll Management System (IPPMS), and the Treasury Single Accounts (TSA), which are now being fully implemented by the Buhari administration.

Dr. Okonjo-Iweala had an impressive over 25-year career at the World Bank, rising to the position of the Managing Director in charge of Operations of the foremost financial organisation. In 2010, she was made Chair of the World Bank’s successful drive to raise $49.3 billion in grants and low-interest credit for the poorest countries in the world.

Still, after her last official engagement in Nigeria, Okonjo-Iweala has been quite preoccupied as a global finance expert, helping many multilateral and multinational organisations with their developmental ventures in Africa, Asia, Europe, Latin America and North America.

She is a World Health Organisation (WHO) Special Envoy for Access to COVID-19 Tools Accelerator and was recently appointed as an African Union (AU) Special Envoy to mobilise international financial support for the fight against COVID-19. She also currently chairs the boards of the African Union’s African Risk Capacity (ARC), the Nelson Mandela Institute, and the African University of Science and Technology, Abuja.

In the business world, outside the African continent, she is a Senior Adviser at Lazard and sits on the boards of Standard Chartered PLC and Twitter Inc. She further serves on the advisory boards of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, Harvard University International Advisory, the Oxford University Martin School Advisory Council, Women’s World Banking Africa Advisory Board, and the International Commission on Financing Global Education. Also, she is on the advisory boards of Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA), Tsinghua University, Beijing’s School of Public Policy, the CARICOM (Caribbean) Commission on the Economy, and the Tax Inspectors Without Borders (an initiative of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), among others.

More so, Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala is Chair of the Board of Gavi, the Vaccine Alliance, which has immunised 760 million children globally and saved thirteen million lives since its inception in 2000. Through Ngozi’s leadership of GAVI, world leaders have pledged an additional US$ 8.8 billion for the vaccination of children, far exceeding the initial target of US$ 7.4 billion. The project will ensure the immunization of over 300 million children including the creation and distribution of the COVID vaccine globally and mostly in Africa.

With a growing concern that what Africa needs is trade rather than aid, to fight poverty, hunger and disease, a savvy bridge builder and go-getter in the person of an Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala is the right figure who can broker numerous agreements that would promote fair trade. In fact, the core objective of the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AFCTA) in creating a single continental market for goods and services, with the free movement of business persons and investments across the globe could be easily achieved through her watch.

In a recent media interview, Dr. Okonjo-Iweala said the WTO is a most important global multilateral body with challenges that require reforms. She said: “I believe it is relevant for the economic development, growth and sharing of prosperity in the world. I want the (WTO) job because I have the skills and the organisation needs some reforms to make it relevant for times we are in and I have a reputation as a strong reformer.”

With the foregoing, I strongly believe that if what the WTO is looking for is ‘a candidate with vast experience in international relations, encompassing trade and/or political experience, a firm commitment to the work and objectives of the organisation, proven leadership and managerial ability; and demonstrated communications skills,’ then Nigeria’s Okonjo-Iweala is not only the strongest African contender but she is a bold reformer, skilful negotiator and finest globally acclaimed developmental economists needed for the job.

Yushau A. Shuaib
Founder of the Economic Confidential and Author of ‘An Encounter with the Spymaster’
www.YAShuaib.com

The post WTO: Africa’s Chance and the Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala Candidacy appeared first on YAShuaib.

It was a tactful foresight, the decision of President Muhammadu Buhari in appointing people from Borno State into strategic positions in government, especially in sensitive areas that could address the challenges of terrorism in the country.

Nigerians expected that the Boko Haram insurgency would be history within fours years, with the appointments of the late Abba Kyari as the Chief of Staff to the President; Major General Babagana Monguno (rtd.) as the National Security Adviser and Lt. General Tukur Buratai as the Chief of Army Staff, because they are all from Borno State, the epicentre of Boko Haram terrorism in Nigeria.

Yet, the seeming rivalry between these top officers from the same state is an open secret. It would be recalled that before his death from COVID-19, Abba-Kyari was at the centre of a leaked memo from the Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA), as well as the alleged redeployment of military personnel attached to Monguno’s office, on the order of Buratai.

Following the death of Abba-Kyari, one would have expected a smoother relationship between the brethren from Borno who are at the top of the Nigerian security architecture, especially in tackling the menace of terrorism and armed banditry, which not only impacts gravely on the situation in their home state but also that of the North and larger Nigeria.

The ONSA is statutorily empowered by the Terrorism Prevention Act 2011, to co-ordinate and support “all security, intelligence, law-enforcement agencies and military services to prevent and combat acts of terrorism in Nigeria.” On the other hand, the Nigerian Army by convention is the lead agency on counter-insurgency operations and other joint military operations involving the deployment of ground troops. Therefore, Monguno and Buratai have unique roles to play in ensuring safety, security and stability in Nigeria through a collaborative battle against criminal elements and other nefarious malefactors.

It was therefore not surprising that after spending two months with the troops in the North-East, the Chief of Army Staff, Lt. General Tukuru Buratai held a closed-door meeting with President Muhammadu Buhari and his Chief of Staff, Professor Ibrahim Gambari at the Presidential Villa on June 8.

Immediately after the meeting, Buratai told journalists that there have been “tremendous” achievements in the fight against the insurgents, and he expressed the hope that the security situation in the country would soon improve.

He said, “the troops are putting in their best and that has resulted in the tremendous successes we are recording. The fight is still ongoing and over 1,429 of this Boko Haram terrorists have been neutralised and we have arrested over 166 Boko Haram terrorist informants, their spies, couriers on logistics and their coordinators in the villages, the towns, and even the forest.”

Surprisingly, a few days later, over 80 people were killed, including soldiers and citizens, while hundreds got injured when the seemingly degraded Boko Haram terrorists invaded Gubio Village and Monguno, the hometown of the NSA in Borno.

Concerned about the unfortunate development, President Muhammadu Buhari had to quickly summon the Nigerian security chiefs to an emergency meeting on June 18.

Speaking on behalf of the President after the meeting, General Monguno castigated the service chiefs over their weak strategy and coordination in tackling insecurity. He also expressed displeasure at the lack of synergy amongst the security forces and charged them to work together in solving the security challenges.

Monguno stated that: “Mr President expressed great concern over the declining security situation in the country. He is extremely unhappy about what is happening and he feels that, even though the security agencies are doing their best, their best is not good enough for him and (he) wants an immediate reversal of the current trend and immediate reversal of our misfortunes in all their dimensions.”

In a similar interview in Hausa, Monguno specifically made a reference to one of the service chiefs as being ‘egocentric.’

Surprisingly, a few days later, a newly formed group, the Military Writers Society of Nigeria (MWSN), lashed out at Monguno over his attack on the service chiefs, especially the Army Chief, Lt. Gen. Buratai.

The group, led by one Dr. Abubakar Mohammed Sani from Borno State said that despite receiving billions of naira from the national treasury, many Nigerians still do not know what the NSA and his office have been doing to engage insurgents and terrorists, particularly through the identified carrot approach to bringing the present security challenges in the country to an end. It therefore asked Munguno to account for how security funds have been utilised under his stewardship, as this is barely impacting on resolving the security situation in Nigeria.

While one may question the rationale behind the NSA’s indictment of the service chiefs publicly, over a mission he is expected to coordinate, yet the seemingly sponsored attacks on him by those who appear to be supporters of the Army Chief are an addendum to the unnecessary distractions to the ongoing war on terrorism.

It is quite painful that while the blame-game went on unabated, Boko Haram fighters allegedly abducted some women and girls in a village in Biu Local Government Area, which is a mere stone’s throw from Buratai’s natal town. A day later the terrorists killed 9 soldiers in another attack on a military convoy on Damboa-Maiduguri highway

Despite the foregoing, the war on terror requires the sort of inter-agency collaboration that would ensure the effective formulation and implementation of comprehensive security and counter-terrorism strategies to address the protracted crisis.

Just as I clamoured in one of my recent articles, and for the sake of emphasis, towards addressing the seemingly intractable rivalry, the NSA and Service Chiefs need to devise a strategy that would involve the burying of their various differences and evolving a new collaborative security effort in the national interest, going forward. This is a period in which we need all hands on deck and to guard against unnecessary bickering within the security enforcement community.

In strategic communication, golden silence is apt, when actions become louder than words. Equally, credible bodies are better third-party endorsers, other than the recourse to charlatans parading as media consultants who merely aggravate a crisis.

Yushau A. Shuaib
Publisher PRNigeria and Author of Crisis Communication Strategies
yashuaib@yahoo.com

The post Persistent Insecurity: Monguno, Buratai and Inter-Agency Dilemma appeared first on YAShuaib.

It was 24 hours after the official release of my book, “An Encounter with the Spymaster” in July 2017 that I received an invitation from a top retired Airforce officer for a meeting with the then Director General of Department of State Service (DSS), Lawal Daura.

Before the invitation, a Presidential spokesperson, Mallam Garba Shehu had publicly attacked the book in a press statement which he described as “an attempt to rewrite the history of the War on Terror Campaign.”

Though I was not sceptical or apprehensive about the scheduled meeting that day, I nevertheless told the retired military officer that I wouldn’t be able to attend because I was on a casual dress of Jeans and T-Shirt instead of my usual traditional attire for public outings and visitations.

The Officer countered that my dress did not matter. I, therefore joined the team comprising top retired officers from the Nigerian Airforce, Navy, Army, intelligence Services and a strategic officer. Present at the meeting were top DSS directors with the Director-General himself.

Meanwhile, that visit to the DSS Headquarters afforded me the second opportunity of a face-face encounter with Lawal Daura. I had previously met him at Heathrow Airport, London on the night of May 14, 2017, probably after he might have met President Muhammadu Buhari who was then on Medical Vacation in Britain.

Though one could have misgivings on some of his official roles, Daura naturally wears infectious smiles, decked with disarming contour of glowing white beards. The aura projected him as a harmless and innocent person who cannot hurt a fly. I walked up to him and surprisingly, he responded calmly and briefly to my penetrating questions about his office, especially on his refusal to appoint a spokesperson for his agency and other contentious issues. With reassurance, he gave what he called genuine reasons for the excuses and excesses.

That visit to his office, afforded him the opportunity to inform us about major accomplishments and some misgivings about his office. Ever-smiling, Daura was eloquent, smart and intelligent in response to some of the issues we discussed.

Daura who was sacked a few days after his 65th birthday, was born in Daura, Katsina State and started his career in the State Security Service in 1982 and rose to the rank of Director. He was once a spokesperson of the agency and Deputy Director Presidential Communication, Command and Control Centre at the Abuja. He also served as the State Director of Security Service at various times in Kano, Sokoto, Edo, Lagos, Osun and Imo States.

It’s not unlikely that some of his achievements may have been overshadowed by the many controversies trailing his tenure as the Director General of the agency. He was particularly responsible for the release of many hostages from the Boko Haram gulag. In fact, the release of UNIMAID lecturers, including a group of oil explorers and policewomen that were held captive for more than half a year could be attributed to his efforts. His agency played prominent roles in the alleged exchange of Boko Haram Commanders with many Chibok and Dapchi Girls. The agency was also directly involved in the arrest of major kidnap kingpins and top ritualists and provided intelligence to other services for such arrests nationwide.

He was also responsible for the arrest of a member of the controversial AVM John Ode Presidential Arm Probe Panel for alleged extortion on behalf of other members and for money laundering and illegal possession of firearms. The suspect, retired Air Commodore Mohammed Umar was nevertheless illegally detained for five months by DSS before he was released after a threat by Justice Dimgba.

There was also the glaring inter-agency rivalry among security agencies which triggered the DSS to submit two damning ‘security report’ on EFCC Boss, Ibrahim Magu to the Senate, warning lawmakers not to confirm his colleague’s appointment. Lawal Daura only reported directly to President Muhammadu Buhari and no one else.

It is an undeniable fact that in the three years of Muhammadu Buhari’s administration, the DSS under Lawal Daura has succeeded in some of its statutory mandates but unfortunately, it is notorious in defying the constitution by disobeying court orders and detaining citizens arbitrarily.

While it sounds childish the claim by political elements that the recent siege on NASS was a conspiracy between Lawal Daura and Senate President Bukola Saraki, the question on the lips of many and begging for an answer is: could the Kwara man be more influential and sophisticated than the Number One man from Katsina?

Could the same Senate President influence the flagrant disregard of court orders by DSS in the illegal detentions of former National Security Adviser Sambo Dasuki, and a leader of the Shiite movement, Ibrahim el-Zakzaky since 2015?

Could Saraki have engineered the October 2016 dead-in-the-night invasion of homes of senior judges across the country by the DSS with the arrest of seven judges, including two of the Supreme Court who were later discharged except one that died during the trial?

Who could have also influenced the violation of a court order and forcible ejection of Former DG DSS, Kayode Are from an Ikoyi property in December 2015?

Have we forgotten in a hurry how in November 2017, the EFCC secured an order to arrest Ita Ekpeyong, a former DG DSS and this action was scuttled due to the activities of DSS under Lawal Daura and the roles he played in the saga involving Ayo Oke, the erstwhile DG of NIA?

Could another opposition element to President Buhari also used DSS to clampdown and arrest several lawmakers of Ekiti State House of Assembly in March 2016 and the invasion of the National Assembly and stealing of the Mace of the Senate of the Federal Republic by thugs suspected to have been procured by an APC Senator, Ovie Omo-Agege, from Delta State in April 2018?

On whose directive was the unconstitutional attempt to remove Governor Samuel Ortom in Benue State in July 2018 when DSS and the police provided security for eight lawmakers to take over the House of Assembly of 30 members? What about the incident in 2015 when DSS operatives raided the Government House Uyo, Akwa Ibom State purportedly in search of arms, ammunition and a huge stash of United States dollars, and which till date, no charges have been filed three years after? Whose footprints were those?

Were journalists spared the fangs of the white-bearded man? Was it the opposition that ordered Daura’s DSS to detain Jones Abiri, a journalist from Bayelsa State from July 2016 to July 2018 without being charged to court? Were the ‘wailers’ also responsible for the detention of Tony Ezimakor, a journalist with Daily Independent who was threatened to disclose his sources of information?

By the way, who could have influenced the naked display of nepotism where 51 candidates from Katsina were recruited into DSS as against 44 successful candidates from the entire South-East of five states in 2016?

Could Lawal Daura have attained and achieved some of the feats, the pros and cons without the knowledge of the Commander-in-Chief since he only took orders from one person? Or should we agree with the political permutations that his positive deeds are attributed to President Buhari while his negative actions were influenced by the ‘Sarakis’ of this world and other opposition elements?

Your Guess is as good as mine.

Yushau Shuaib
www.YAShuaib.com
yashuaib@yahoo.com

The post Lawal Daura: An Encounter with Intelligence Chief- YAShuaib appeared first on YAShuaib.

Is it true that General Theophilus Yakubu Danjuma, popularly known as TY from the North has dropped a bombshell that Nigerian military and police are complicit in killings across Nigeria, especially in the North and he therefore asked citizens to defend themselves or they would all die?

Was he not the person former Military President Ibrahim Babangida (IBB) declared as the embodiment of the virtues of the Sardauna of Sokoto when he said: “Over 50 years after the demise of Sir Ahmadu Bello; TY Danjuma has virtually picked up the (gauntlet?) from where the Sardauna had left it?”

Was he not the person described by his primary school teacher Dr Adamu Fika, that: “Even at tender age in school, Danjuma had demonstrated leadership qualities of seriousness, sense of responsibility, humility and his abiding respect for elders?”

Was he not Captain Yakubu Danjuma, a young officer in the Nigerian Army who took part in the Counter-Coup of 1966 by taking daring and decisive actions against the killers of Northern Political leaders including Sir Ahmadu Bello, Tafawa Balewa and other military officers (mostly Hausa/Fulani Muslims) after the aborted coup?

Was he not the lieutenant colonel during the civil war, who led his troop to capture Enugu and free Jaja Nwachukwu from Biafra detention? Was he not the gallant commander which President Buhari proudly admitted fighting under him (Danjuma) in the 1st and 3rd Divisions by hailing his courageous leadership qualities during the Civil War for a united Nigeria?

Could he be the same Brigadier TY Danjuma, the most influential member of the Murtala/Obasanjo regime who played prominent role in aborting Dimka coup, and lobbied the selection of a reluctant Brigadier Olusegun Obasanjo to take over after the death of Murtala? Was he not the officer that single-handedly nominated the automatic promotion of Lt. Col Shehu Yar’Adua to the rank of Brigadier for appointment as the second in command to the Head of State?

Was it not Air Vice Marshal John Yisa Doko, the only lone voice against the Danjuma’s imposition of an unwilling candidate (Obasanjo) on the country? Didn’t President Buhari, in December 2017, testified that at the time when Danjuma could have been head of state following the assassination of General Murtala in 1976, he sacrificed for the country?

By arranging and engineering the promotion of Lt. Col. Shehu Musa Yar’adua to the rank of brigadier, above himself, what was Danjuma’s reason for the selflessness?

Was he not the same General Danjuma, after retirement, that President IBB, invited him to apply for an oil licence, only for General Sani Abacha to award him the lucrative oil blocks?

Was he the same Danjuma that is highly revered by Northern leaders who always graciously attend occasions in his honour? Why for instance did General IBB, Sultan Saad Abubakar of Sokoto, Vice President Namadi Sambo, House of Rep Speaker Tambuwal, Prof. Jerry Gana among other dignitaries attend a special award ceremony in his honour in Zaria in 2013?

By the way, was it not the same Danjuma who was bestowed with the top chieftaincy titles by Northern traditional rulers including his turbaning by Emir of Zaria Alhaji Shehu Idris as Jarmai Zazzau on June 22, 2013 and also his turbanning by the Gora of Donga, Dr Danjuma Stephen Banyunga, as the Gam Gbaro Donga on November 6, 2013 among other such great titles?

Was he not one of the very few retired military officers to be well recognised and honoured by universities in Northern Nigeria when he was awarded LLD honoris causa by Bayero University Kano on March 25, 2011 and D.Sc. honoris causa by Ahmadu Bello University on March 2, 2013 for his generosity and commitments to nation building?

I still wonder if he is not the same Danjuma, one of the very few largest individual donors to education and humanitarian causes in Northern Nigeria? Was he not the same donor of N2.3billion at ABU fund-raising for expansion projects and donor of a massive Faculty of Computer Engineering building in BUK before donating $10 million in July 21, 2014 for the rehabilitation of North-East states ravaged by Boko Haram in Borno, Yobe and Adamawa States, excluding his home-state Taraba?

Was it not because of his passion and philanthropy in addressing the plight of downtrodden and displaced people that President Buhari appointed Danjuma to head the government’s Presidential Committee on North-East Initiative (PCNI)?

Was he not the founder of TY Danjuma Foundation, a body committed to enhancing the quality of life of Nigerians by supporting initiatives that improve access to health and educational opportunities?

By the way, when PRNigeria on March 1, 2018 leaked a report that TY held over three hours secret meeting with former President Babangida in Minna on general insecurity in the country, was Danjuma kind enough to brief the Commander-in-Chief (Buhari) on the security concerns since they share mutual respect and understanding?

Was he not Danjuma during his JarmaiZazzau Coronation few years ago warned Northern leaders thus: “This is the time for elders to be circumspect and temperate in their utterances; it is not in our character as northerners to talk too much. We need to think more, pray more, plan more, work harder, relate better, and talk less. Battles are better fought and won through wisdom and strategy than through inflammable pronouncements and political tantrums?”

Then if these are the same TY Danjuma that issued the recent controversial statement, especially on the crises in the North, I can say that the North as a region and Northerners as a people have lost their souls to dirty politics of religiosity and ethnicity when other regions have forged ahead.

It is only in the North that a Muslim will kill a Muslim unjustly and justifies the action on the Shia-Sunni divide; while a Christian will attack another Christian over dichotomy on mode of worship of different denominations. It is also a fact that some are referred to as Core Northerners while others are Minority Northerners as if some are slaves to serve the masters.

How can Danjuma who was described by President Buhari as soldiers’ soldier, who sacrificed for Nigeria through his fearlessness, philanthropic gesture and effort in promoting peace in the society, now join sectional leaders in what some commentators describe as ‘toxic hate speech?’

We must rethink on how to put not only the troubled North but Nigeria on the path of political progress and economic development. The dirty political bickering and unhealthy rivalries by those who lack knowledge of history can only lead us to political woes. We should therefore be tolerant and work towards national unity and cohesion.

Yushau A. Shuaib,
Publisher, PRNigeria and Author of “An Encounter with the Spymaster”
www.YAShuaib.com

The post Is he the Same TY Danjuma of the North? – YAShuaib appeared first on YAShuaib.

A sudden political change occurred recently when an international businessman, Matamela Cyril Ramaphosa emerged the new South African President. He has impacted positively on the life of his people through Shanduka Group, a company he founded with investments in the energy sector, real estate, banking, insurance, and telecoms (SEACOM). He is also chairman of Bidvest Group and MTN among others. He is one of South Africa’s richest men with an estimated wealth of over $550 million.

I am a believer in individuals who have invested and deployed their skills in wealth creations than wealth sharing. Public office can also be run as a serious business for stability and profitability in serving the interest of the stakeholders and the public. Nigeria has distinguished citizens like Ramaphosa of South Africa, who have deployed their businesses for wealth and job creation; promote and unite the citizens, and improve the economy without being in politics or in government.

Current Nigeria’s political atmosphere is undoubtedly charged after a bombshell letter from former President Olusegun Obasanjo to President Muhammadu Buhari asking the latter not to recontest election in 2019. Obasanjo recommended a Coalition for Nigeria to rescue the country from its present political and economic brouhaha. The Third-Force, according to Obasanjo should be “a movement to break new ground in building a united country, a socially cohesive and moderately prosperous society with equity, equality of opportunity, justice and a dynamic and progressive economy that is self-reliant and takes an active part in the global division of labour and international decision-making.”

The tension-soaked letter has elicited diverse debates with series of meetings being held, alliances formed, apart from several alignments and realignments which have even caused President Buhari to hurriedly constitute a Presidential Reconciliatory Committee for the ruling All Progressive Congress (APC), headed by Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu. As I write, there is a head-on collision between Tinubu and his party chairman Odigie Oyegun.

In this intense period, some are mooting the idea of encouraging non-partisan, business savvy individuals who have demonstrated leadership qualities and touched the lives of many Nigerians from their private ventures to vie for top electoral offices.

In Nigeria, we had the like of Late Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale (MKO) Abiola, a successful businessman who was elected the country’s President in 1993 but the election was annulled by the military junta. Meanwhile in a contemporary Nigerian history, the likely name synonymous with that of Chief Abiola in terms of stupendous wealth, philanthropy, international networks, Political connections and iconic brand is Aliko Dangote. While Abiola was considered the richest Nigerian of his time before he died in custody in 1998, Aliko Dangote is currently not only the richest African but one of the richest in the world.

MKO Abiola was born in Abeokuta, Ogun State on August 24, 1937. He acquired entrepreneurial talents at a tender age when he sold firewood every morning before attending classes in primary school. As a teenager and talented music player, he performed at private parties in exchange for food and earned some monies in sponsoring himself to secondary school. At Baptist Boys High School, Abeokuta where he was the Editor of the school magazine, young Olusegun Obasanjo was his Deputy Editor.

Aliko Dangote was born on 10 April 1957 into a wealthy family. He is the great-grandson of Alhassan Dantata, the richest African at the time of his death in 1955. When he was in Primary School, Dangote collected cartons of sweets [candy] on loan and sold them just to make money. Dangote was educated at the Sheikh Ali Kumasi Madrasa and Capital High School, Kano.

After a stint with a financial institution in Nigeria, MKO Abiola attended Glasgow University and obtained a First-Class degree in Accountancy. He joined some institutions in the public and private sectors before he became Vice-President, ITT Corporation, a giant telecommunication firm. He had personal investments in farming, Bookshops, Radio Communications, Bakeries, Publishing, Airlines Business, Oil Exploration, Banking, sports amongst others.

On his side, Dangote obtained a bachelor’s degree in business studies and administration from Al-Azhar University, Cairo, Egypt. After his graduation, he worked for his uncle, Abdulkadir Sanusi Dantata, from whom he borrowed money to start commodities trading, cement and building materials import business in Kano in 1977. Gradually, he expanded the business and relocated to Lagos, where he began importing cars and cement needed for Nigeria’s economic expansion. He has diversified into various economic sectors producing food, building materials, household items among others with factories scattered mostly in southern parts of the country than the North where he comes from.

Abiola’s immeasurable generosity had earned him numerous titles and awards for philanthropic activities that were felt in schools, worship centres, Cultural events, community developments and supports for the less privileged in the society. His philanthropism cut across the diverse ethnic and religious groups in Nigeria.

Meanwhile, apart from receiving one of the highest awards of the Grand Commander of the Order of the Niger (GCON), Dangote has bagged several local and international awards for philanthropy and entrepreneurship. Through the Dangote Foundation, he contributes millions of dollars annually to medical advancements, educational endowments, Humanitarian gestures among others across all geopolitical zones in the country.

On the political front, Abiola’s attempts to vie for political office were thwarted in the late 70s and early 80s when he was betrayed by associates. He was reported to have withdrawn into his shell and faced his business after a powerful Shagari minister, Umaru Dikko told him point-blank that the Presidential ticket of the then ruling party was not for sale.

In the same vein and probably for the fear of betrayal at last hour, Dangote has ruled out the possibility of joining partisan politics. In an interview with Bloomberg, he declared that he is not cut out for politics but values his freedom and business. He said: “I’m not interested in active politics… The little freedom I have, politics would take away. I am not ready to give that up. There are businessmen who are interested in politics. I’m not one of them.”

Meanwhile, after shunning partisan politics for about a decade, Abiola was cajoled to contest for the Presidency in 1992 in an election organised by the administration of President Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida (IBB). After accepting the nomination, MKO Abiola was eventually elected President of Nigeria on June 12, 1993. His election was influenced by his brilliant “Hope 93 Farewell to Poverty” Campaigns, and his record of service to humanity across the ethnic, tribal and religious divide and through his huge investment in the economy. He even defeated his opponent, Bashir Tofa in his home state, Kano. The annulment of that election by IBB was one of the genesis of subsequent political and economic crises in Nigeria.

Since Dangote has denied any interest in electoral office at a period when most political parties and politicians have outlived their usefulness, what should be the way out? Can we commence a search for an illustrious Nigerian, untiring philanthropist, quintessential business mogul, conscientious and detribalised personality to salvage the country in 2019 through a Third-Force? Is there any alternative in sight among those that haven’t served in the political offices?

Yushau A. Shuaib (Author, An Encounter with the Spymaster)
Blogger: www.YAShuaib.com
yashuaib@yahoo.com
Abuja

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By Yushau A. Shuaib

Dear Sambo Dasuki,

It’s exactly two years ago, in the morning of December 1, 2015, when we chatted on the phone over the security operatives that had invaded your Asokoro residence and later whisked you away as the immediate past National Security Adviser (NSA). I was then in Maiduguri on an assignment.

Since that day, you have remained in detention even after being granted bails by at least four separate High Court Judges. They are, Justice Adetokunbo Ademola and Justice Ahmed Ramat Mohammed of the Federal High Court, as well as Justice Hussein Baba- Yusuf and Justice Peter Affen of the FCT High Courts. They had considered the merit of your applications and granted you the bails. The ECOWAS Court of Justice too had ordered for your immediate release with compensation of N15 million for the unlawful and illegal detentions without legal warrant or court orders.

From all the court proceedings so far, none of the allegations against you is treasonable, while the allegations of misappropriation of funds can only be proven in the court on whether the expenditures went through the due process of official authorisations. The charge of illegal possession of firearms, by the discovery of weapons in your residence, less than 24 hours after you left office and at a time you had military and security bodyguards, is, to say the least, laughable, and can only be interpreted as witch-hunting.

While you have never stated your side of the stories in court or anywhere else since your arrest and detention two years ago, there have been so many accusations and complete falsehood through media trials. Some baseless documents were leaked without attaching originating memos and approving authorities among others. It is pathetically appalling that your image has been tarnished through sponsored and misguided media trials. It is unfortunate that many Nigerian are not aware of your antecedents when you had proven yourself as a man of integrity during your tenure as ADC to President Ibrahim Babangida as well as Managing Director Nigeria Security, Printing and Minting Company (NSPMC). In both offices, you left honourably and on principles to protect your reputation.

While your traducers would rather taint your image by making references to the alleged misappropriation of funds during your tenure as NSA, they tirelessly worked to suppress the apparent success stories of the war-against-terrorism campaign during your tenure. They don’t want Nigerians to know that during your tenure as NSA to President Goodluck Jonathan, the brave Nigerian troops, successfully liberated and recovered over two dozens big towns from Boko Haram. Those towns included; Abadam, Askira, Baga, Bama, Bara, Buni Yadi, Damboa, Dikwa, Gamboru-Ngala, Goniri, Gujba, Gulag, Gulani, Gwoza, Hong, Kala Balge, Konduga, Kukawa, Marte, Madagali, Michika, Monguno, Mubi, Vimtim among others.

Though some may be forgetful to realise that during your tenure as NSA, Nigeria spearheaded the formation of Multinational Joint Taskforce (MNJTF) where you sought the cooperation of reluctant neighbouring countries to join in the fight against terrorism. The taskforce has been sustained just as other initiatives and legacies you introduced and left behind in the Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA).

While I won’t like to talk about your past relationship with President Muhammadu Buhari, especially on 1983 Coup and others which I published in previous articles and my recent book “An Encounter with the Spymaster,” the toxic speculation and misleading information that you arrested Buhari in 1985 remain unabated. Even while you have denied the allegation, with principal actors including, retired Colonel Abdulmumini Aminu publicly admitting their involvement, the rumour is sustained for ulterior motives.

I cannot end this short memo without expressing my most profound appreciation for rescuing me from humiliation after I was unjustly retired by the government you served when the then Finance Minister, Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala had reported me to the Presidency for punishment over my harmless opinion article in 2013.

Not only did you attempt to bring me back into the public service which I politely rejected, you nevertheless accepted my condition to serve as a Consultant on Crisis Management to the same government.

Though we recruited a large number of young Nigerian graduates in ensuring the success of the campaigns, presently the workforce has reduced drastically due to lack of patronages from the system. We have nevertheless continued to sustain the services on pro bono basis, especially for the military, security, intelligence and response agencies.

Meanwhile, the good news today is that Justice David Isele of National Industrial Court has ordered my reinstatement into the public service and payment of all my salaries, allowances with interest in prevailing bank rate within 30 days. I am awaiting the Federal Government’s obedience to that court order.

While I still nurse the fear that you may spend another year in the unlawful detention as New Year 2018 is around the corner, I must commend your courage and doggedness during our recent chat in the court. You have said for the umpteenth time that you have no ill-feelings against your ‘good friends’ who are currently on the other side and other ‘people’ who cannot do anything in your case. You said: “In every Challenge, every temptation and every situation one finds himself, there are lessons to be learnt and to be thankful to Almighty Allah.”

May your days in court offer you with the opportunity you have craved for, to clear your name from malicious allegations and to enable you to provide concrete evidence of your stewardship as the National Security Adviser who ensured efficient inter-agency collaboration for national stability and national security.

As you remain in detention in the last two years against all legal procedures, even when you lost your father, Sultan Dasuki, I pray you stay fortified believing that God’s time is the best.
Yours Sincerely,

Yushau Shuaib
Author “An Encounter with the Spymaster”
yashuaib@yahoo.com

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NNPC Maikanti baru, Muhammadu Buhari, Emmanuel kachikwu

Due Process: Between Security Votes and Oil Contracts
By Yushau A. Shuaib

Successive administrations in Nigeria, including the current one claim to promote transparency and accountability by following due process in financial dealings and public procurements. Nevertheless, governments at all levels avoid strict compliance with standard norms and regulations when actions are taken for both economic and political exigencies.

The confusion and power struggle between the then President Olusegun Obasanjo and erstwhile Vice President Atiku Abubakar, though political, were fuelled on allegations of non-compliance to due process over activities of agencies under the purview of Atiku, including PTDF. Court cases afterwards merely favoured the former Vice President.

Every tier of government engages in financial dealing outside the legal requirement using different nomenclatures and suspicious regulations to justify the indiscretions. For instance, a security vote is one of the conduit pipes used by various top public officers to avoid being accountable to anyone. Even the Public Procurement law provides exceptions to disclosures on sensitive security issues and requirements.

During the previous administration, not only President Goodluck Jonathan, but most governors used security votes extensively for security and other various activities including funding of political campaigns.

In the recently published book “An Encounter with the Spymaster,” this writer disclosed categorically that “the movement of large cash in local and foreign currencies by the two major political parties, APC and PDP, to win primaries and general elections in 2015 were discovered by security and anti-corruption agencies but tactically suppressed to avoid embarrassing outcries that could tarnish the electoral processes and rubbish the image of the country. Few senior journalists, especially some members of Faculty of Bureau Chiefs and Editors where a highly respected investigative Editor, Yusuf Alli is the Dean, are aware of some of the details and culpability of the parties.”

Therefore, at the national level, one of the major institutions that have been indirectly involved in funding sensitive and classified operations whether for security or other exigencies is the Nigeria National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC). The media trial and court cases against the former Minister of Petroleum, Diezani Alison-Madueke on allegations levelled against her by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) are clear examples.

The fear of past incident recently reared its ugly head as the current Petroleum Minister of State, Dr. Emmanuel Ibe Kachikwu in a memo leaked to the media, informed President Muhammadu Buhari that the Group Managing Director (GMD) of NNPC, Mr Maikanti Baru, was disrespectful to him. He also allegedly accused the NNPC boss of awarding contracts worth over $25bn without the approval of the board of the corporation.

The contents of the memo are not only embarrassing but damning because it would easily rubbish the integrity of the current administration of President Muhammadu Buhari and its hyped anti-corruption campaigns.

While the two men on the brawl, Kachikwu and Baru are first class materials in all sense from their academic accomplishments as well as their experiences in the oil sector, there seem to be missing narratives on the altercation.

Apart from the allegations of insubordination, lopsided appointments and awards of contracts without the consent of NNPC board by Dr. Baru, there are also documents seen by Economic Confidential indicating that the Act setting up the Corporation, statutorily mandates the GMD to report directly to the Substantive Minister of Petroleum Resources, which in this case, is President Muhammadu Buhari.

Another document, a correspondence from Bureau of Public Procurement (BPP) to the NNPC dated June 26, 2015 states in part that: “The [NNPC] Governing Board is responsible for approval of the work programmes, corporate contract plans and budget while the [NNPC] Tenders Board is responsible for approval of day to day procurement implementation.”

Since the emergence of President Buhari, appointments of top Group Executive Directors (GED) were made by Kachikwu. An online platform, DailyNigerian, reports that “Among the seven Chief Operating Officers (COO/GEDs) currently working under Baru, five were actually appointed by Dr Kachikwu, three of whom came along with him from the International Oil Companies (IOCs).”

Mr Kachikwu actually brought in Babatunde Adeniran (COO Ventures), Anibor Kragha (COO Refineries) and Henry Ikem-Obih (COO Downstream) from outside while Isa Inuwa (COO Corporate Services) and Bello Rabiu were sourced from within. Chidi Momah, who is still Secretary of the Corporation, was also hired by Mr Kachikwu.

While the majority of top officers appointed into NNPC by Kachikwu during his days as the GMD are from Southern Nigeria, Baru is alleged to have done the same by ensuring that his recent reorganisation of the management staff of the oil corporation favours the North.

When this writer wrote an article on a disagreement between Kachikwu and current Minister of Transport, Rotimi Amaechi (Link: https://goo.gl/V1cMjM) over projects in NigerDelta, the Petroleum Minister of State should have since realised that in an intense political clime, one must tread consciously and cautiously. Attempts to crucify Maikanti Baru over some alleged decisions in NNPC may not likely fly because it would seem to be an attack against the Presidency. Media reports so far have indicated that Dr. Baru is reputed to have unfettered access to the substantive Petroleum Minister who is President and commander in chief than most cabinet members. It could, therefore, be extremely difficult for the GMD NNPC to have taken any unilateral decision without the consent and authorization from the highest office in the land. Whether the actions taken are right or wrong only the court can determine.

Meanwhile, in an exigency, due process can be ignored to justify the Machiavellian principle of “the ends justify the means” on security votes and oil contracts for national interests.

Yushau A. Shuaib
www.YAShuaib.com
yashuaib@yahoo.com

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Garba Shehu, Yushau Shuaib and Children at presentation of a book A Dozen Tips for Media Relations by YAShuaib in Abuja 2005

Rule of Law: Garba Shehu Goofs on Sambo Dasuki
By Yushau Shuaib

The most painful and mind boggling dilemma in issuing rebuttals is the attempt to challenge respected professional colleagues who should know the truth from fallacy. Wrong actions of current administration of President Muhammadu Buhari have compelled some of us to take the pain and risk of disproving false allegations and reckless insinuations on innocent people by those in the corridors of power.

Mallam Garba Shehu, the Senior Special Assistant to President on Media and Publicity is one of senior professional colleagues who positively impacted in my career by benefitting from their guidance and benevolence (https://goo.gl/RZV6j3).

Meanwhile, with due respect to my elder, I have been thoroughly embarrassed and even shocked that Mallam Garba has been misled in joining the bandwagon of those attacking former National Security Adviser (NSA), Sambo Dasuki blindly and baselessly.

While Dasuki has remained in unlawful incarceration since 2015, the system has refused to give him the opportunity to clear his name on frivolous charges against him and occasionally prevented him from appearing in court.

In an attempt to defend the flagrant disobedience to court orders by the Buhari regime, Mallam Garba recently said that the government of Buhari is not ready to release Dasuki because according to him there “were many cases against Dasuki for which he had not been granted bail.”

Mallam Garba was further quoted to have said that “The ex-NSA’s problem is not with President Buhari who I must say has the highest regard for the rule of law. If five courts of the land are trying different cases in which a man is involved and one or two of those courts let the accused persons go home on bail, what happens with the other three cases?”

Mallam Garba should know that Sambo Dasuki was arraigned and charged on bailable offences which all the courts of competent jurisdiction have granted him bail. Since 2015, when Dasuki was arraigned before different high courts, he was granted bail by Justice Adeniyi Ademola and Justice Ahmed Rahmat Mohamed of the Federal High Court as well as Justice Peter Affen and Justice Hussein Baba-Yusuf of the FCT High Courts. The ECOWAS Court had also ordered the Federal Government to release him immediately from the unlawful custody and imposed a fine of N15,000,000 on the government but up till now, all the judgments have not been obeyed. There is currently no single court order or a legal warrant for his detention. Rule of Law indeed!

This is not the first time the respected political communicator, Mallam Garba would play to the gallery. On his assumption of office, Garba raised a similar erroneous insinuation against Sambo Dasuki on October 15, 2015, when he told the world at The Red Media Summit in Lagos on how he and others plotted to accuse Sambo Dasuki of coup plotting (Link: https://goo.gl/qqu7r9). He was quoted to have stated thus: “We agreed we were going to run a story announcing that the National Security Adviser at that time, Mr. Sambo Dasuki, was staging a second coup d’etat against Muhammadu Buhari.” As alarming as that statement was, Mallam Garba did not retract the offensive and offending statement. As a respected communicator, he should know better.

Meanwhile few year before then, Malam Garba predicted the challenges Dasuki would face as Fulani man from North-West against Kanuri people of North-East who would frustrate him. He made the assertion immediately after the appointment of Dasuki as NSA by President Goodluck Jonathan in 2012. In his weekly article in Premium Times with the title “Dasuki as NSA: Issues below the Surface,” (Link: https://goo.gl/Hi3Vib) Shehu even recommended and listed some Kanuri people that should have been considered for the appointment.

Mallam Garba claimed that the appointment of Dasuki as a Northerner might produce the direct opposite result of appeasement of the region. According to him “the Boko Haram terror movement is dominated by Kanuri boys, despite the recruitment of volunteers from areas outside Borno and Yobe States. Dasuki’s appointment ignored the historical rivalries between the Kanuris and the North-west or more directly, the Fulani hegemony.”

Buhari’s spokesperson therefore asked “Can a scion of the Fulani royalty, even though a Northerner cultivate the trust and confidence of the Kanuri boys against the background of these historical rivalries? Can a Fulani Northern National Security Adviser conduct negotiations for disarmament with Boko Haram in the face of these historical rivalries? This may be Sambo Dasuki’s biggest challenge.

“Whatever theories may have developed around Sambo’s appointment, the Kanuri factor in the appeasement policy should not be ignored. No confidence building strategy can succeed which ignores the undercurrents of historical rivalries between the Kanuris and the Hausa/Fulani of the north. It is doubtful if the North-East or Borno State in particular, lacks credible retired army officers who can do the job.”

Even though, those fear of my senior brother, Mallam Garba could not be ignored, especially when Dasuki came in at a period Boko Haram members were not only terrorising the North-East but the North-Central and North-West with weekly attacks on worship centres. Nevertheless, the ex-NSA succeeded in restricting terrorists’ notoriety to the North-East before recovering more than 25 towns from the Boko Haram. In fact, the excesses of Boko Haram were curtailed to the effect that 2015 elections were peacefully held throughout the federation, including North-East where governors and legislators were elected without any hitches.

I request my senior brother, Mallam Garba to read my “Open Letter to Femi Adesina” (Link: https://goo.gl/TFdNmP) on some of the achievements of Dasuki in office and the list of over 20 towns recovered during the previous administration. I appeal to professional colleagues in government to avoid playing politics with sensitive security issues that could be misleading.

Yushau A. Shuaib
www.YAShuaib.com
yashuaib@yahoo.com
Abuja

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President Muhammadu Buhari and VP Yomi Osinbajo

The Presidency: Osinbajo and Unquestionable Loyalty
By Yushau A. Shuaib

In September 2008, about 9 years ago, this writer published an article title “If Yar’Adua Doesn’t Die!” (https://yashuaib.com/politics/if-president-yaradua-doesnt-die/) It was a response to strong insinuations in the media on the plight of President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua who was alive then but some commentators were already expressing views on expectations after his likely demise.

We are currently witnessing a similar scenario as the national discourse has shifted to debates on the ailing or recuperating President Muhammadu Buhari who left the country on January 19, 2017 for medical vacation in London after handing over power to Vice President Yemi Osinbajo to act as President.

The media is awash with views of Nigerians as well as patriotic commentators over the transfer of power and the commendable progress made so far in the absence of Buhari. Meanwhile, spin-doctors and political manipulators, in their different shades, have joined the debate, mostly on cyberspace. In some cases, the issue is coloured in sectional sentiments, political undertones and religious undercurrents.

In fact, there have been gossips on the motives behind recent fasting by some Christians in the South as well as speculations on massive prayers by some Muslims in the North over the ill-health of the president. Some scenarios are disturbing, as some comments attempt to create rift between Buhari and Osinbajo who have so far shown maturity, sincerity and respect in their mutual relationship.

President Buhari does not only trust Osinbajo, he assigns the law professor and church pastor to oversee the economic sector as the Head of the Economic Team. In fact, sensitive offices and strategic positions within that sector including the Chief Economic Adviser are domiciled under the Office of the Vice President. In more than two occasions, President Buhari has officially, through legislative mandates, handed over power to Osinbajo to act as Nigerian President.

Aside from the recent controversial and illegal disengagement of a female chartered accountant, Mrs Maryam Danna Mohammed from Niger Delta Power Holding Company (NDPHC) and the replacement of the boss of the agency with an aide of the Vice President, Professor Osinbajo has demonstrated, to some extent, unquestionable loyalty to President Buhari in his utterances and actions. A politically conscious person, Osinbajo has not behaved otherwise. As a legal luminary, acting President Osinbajo knows the implication of wilful disobedience to court orders by Buhari’s administration, especially on several bails granted to some personalities who are still being detained illegally, he nevertheless refused to act or intervene professionally on the legal dilemmas probably to prove his absolute loyalty to the administration. In tandem with the style and language of his boss, Pastor Osinbajo has consistently re-echoed the message of the administration on war on terror and the aggressive rhetoric on the anti-corruption campaigns.

As a loyal public officer, Osinbajo has embarked on local tours and hosted several meetings towards addressing seeming economic and socio-political challenges. The deliberate efforts, in the absence of the president, have so far strengthened local currency, the Naira, boosted oil production and stabilise the polity. In most occasions, he insists that he is a representative of the president. For instance, when he travelled to the heart of Niger Delta to appeal against militancy, Osinbajo said he was there as an emissary of Buhari to offer “a new vision” for the oil-producing region.

There is all certainty that Professor Osinbajo would have sought the consent of his boss and/or members of the Federal Executive Council in taking some of the far-reaching decisions which are being commended. We should therefore encourage the administration to be focused without creating a division between Buhari and Osinbajo while making comparison.

There is always the fear that political sycophants may feast on such divisive and distractive debates to create avoidable complications which almost consumed two previous administrations. The political imbroglio between President Olusegun Obasanjo and Vice President Atiku Abubakar as well as cabal-infused impasse between President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua and Vice President Goodluck Jonathan were triggered by reckless sentiments from supporters

It is always painful any insinuation that questions the loyalty of a subordinate and doubts the strength and competence of the boss. Such a dilemma merely creates feeling of betrayal and instigates a crisis of confidence that can distract and derail a focused administration. In our clime, there is a thin line between sanity and insanity among political fans (fanatics) whose supports are based on ethnic, religious and sectional sentiments.

We should therefore, support the brilliant strides of acting President Osinbajo in sustaining the tempo of progressiveness and pray for the safe return of President Buhari to carry on the task of greater nationhood.

Yushau A. Shuaib
www.yashuaib.com
yashuaib@yahoo.com

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