On the afternoon of Tuesday, August 25, 2026, I exchanged messages with Dotun Oladipo respected journalist, former President of the Guild of Corporate Online Publishers (GOCOP), and publisher of The Eagle Online. I sent him a report on the unfolding political rivalry in Katsina State between the camps of Governor Dikko Radda and Tinubus adviser, Ibrahim Masari which allegedly led to the arrest of security aides attached to the governor for publication on his platform.

In his characteristically simple and professional manner, Dotun asked me to forward it to his Gmail address instead of the Yahoo account I had previously used. I obliged. Within minutes, the article was published, and a few hours later, he promoted it as the lead story in his WhatsApp news broadcast.

That was Dotun: no bureaucracy, no excuses, no endless promises. If a material was newsworthy and suitable for his platform, he acted promptly.

The next day, as I prepared to attend a programme, my son Gidado called.

Dotun Oladipo is trending everywhere, he said.

I smiled instinctively. When good people trend, one hopes it is for good reasons an appointment, an award, a promotion, or another professional milestone.

Then he completed the sentence.

They say he is dead.

What? What! I screamed.

It struck like a thunderbolt. I immediately returned to our last conversation. I checked the messages. I looked again at the article he had published. Everything had happened less than twenty‑four hours earlier. How could a man who had just attended to a professional request suddenly become the subject of an obituary?

Reports said Dotun died at 56 after suddenly taking ill at his office in Lagos. Colleagues said he had appeared well earlier in the day and had even gone to the gym before proceeding with his normal activities. He reportedly became unwell at work and sought medical attention, but he did not survive. Some reports suggested a heart attack, though the precise medical cause should be left to those competent to establish it.

But in that moment of grief, my mind rebelled against the cold logic of mortality.

Why does sudden death sometimes appear to pick the good ones even those, like Dotun, who had just observed the physical exercise recommended for medical fitness? Why would it take a patriotic journalist, a gentleman, and a friend, while bandit kingpins, terrorist commanders, and others who inflict misery on innocent citizens continue to roam?

Why do people who work for peace and national stability depart without warning, while those who threaten the peace seem to survive one violent episode after another?

Of course, these are not questions mortals can answer. Death does not operate according to our understanding of fairness or fitness.

My relationship with Dotun spanned many years. I came to know him more closely during Nigerias most challenging security period, when the Forum of Spokespersons of Security and Response Agencies (FOSSRA) was coordinated under Major General Chris Olukolade and supported by the Office of the National Security Adviser under Colonel Sambo Dasuki (Rtd). It was also the era when PRNigeria strengthened its role in security reporting and crisis communication.

Those were difficult years. Boko Haram dominated headlines, security agencies were under immense pressure, and public confidence was constantly shaken by conflicting reports and propaganda. The relationship between security institutions and the media was therefore critical. Journalists had to balance the publics right to know with the responsibility not to compromise operations, while security agencies had to recognise that journalists were not adversaries simply because they asked hard questions.

Dotun understood that delicate balance. He believed in journalism, but he also understood national responsibility.

Our interactions continued long after that period. Until the article he published barely hours before his death which he even promoted as the lead story in his final WhatsApp news broadcast Dotun remained remarkably consistent. Whenever I sent him something newsworthy, he responded promptly. Sometimes it was purely professional; at other times, it carried the quiet solidarity colleagues extend to one another without making a ceremony of friendship.

Dotuns professional journey spanned nearly three decades across major Nigerian newsrooms Nigerian Tribune, Nigerian Compass, The Sun, and PUNCH, where he served as Politics Editor before establishing The Eagle Online. His contribution to digital journalism was significant. There was a time when online journalism in Nigeria was treated as the unruly younger cousin of traditional media associated with sensationalism, poor verification, and weak gatekeeping.

People like Dotun helped change that perception. Through The Eagle Online and his leadership in GOCOP, he belonged to a generation of publishers who proved that online journalism could be fast without being reckless, competitive without abandoning ethics, and independent while still respecting professional standards.

He understood something that remains relevant today: the platform may change, but the fundamentals of journalism should not. Holding leaders accountable does not mean abandoning responsibility to the nation. Dotun represented the bridge between the traditional newsroom and the digital environment that now defines journalism.

Beyond the profession, I remember the human being a patriotic Nigerian, a dependable colleague, a gentleman who valued friendship and professional solidarity, and a publisher who could receive an article and, without drama, publish it within minutes if he considered it worthy.

As I mourn Dotun Oladipo, I also reflect on the peculiar vulnerability of journalists. We chase deadlines, manage breaking news, respond to calls at odd hours, travel unexpectedly, confront professional pressures, and carry burdens audiences rarely see. We report everyone elses emergencies while sometimes ignoring the warnings from our own bodies.

The circumstances surrounding Dotuns passing should remind media professionals and indeed all of us that health deserves attention even amid the pressure of deadlines and obligations.

At 56, we shared the same age, and by human reckoning he left far too soon. Yet life is ultimately measured not by how long we stay, but by what we leave in the minds and lives of others.

My brother Dotun, I still struggle to reconcile our last exchange with the obituary that followed. Yesterday, you were the publisher receiving my article; today, you are the subject of one. The deadline has finally come for a story none of us ever wished to publish.

Good night, Dotun Oladipo and with tears, I send this one last message to your favourite email, dotunoladipo@gmail.com.

Yushau A. Shuaib
Publisher, PRNigeria & Economic Confidential
yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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Crisis communication teaches one hard truth: silence doesn’t calm a crisis; it fuels it. When leaders fail to engage, their silence is easily read as indifference. That was the uncomfortable impression some participants felt during the second day of the recent National Security Summit organised by the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ) in Abuja, where senior security officials were absent.

Were security chiefs concerned that journalists might demand answers about the persistent allegations linking illegal mining activities in bandit-prone areas to the financing of criminal networks? Could they have been uncomfortable addressing claims that some retired and serving security personnel have been implicated, directly or indirectly, in the worsening insecurity across the country?

Could they also have feared being asked whether the nation’s democratic authorities and security leadership possess the political will and operational latitude required to confront these monumental challenges, especially amid claims that some major financiers and sponsors are known yet remain untouchable?

And what about the resurgence of mass abductions and kidnappings, particularly in schools spreading beyond their traditional epicentres, raising concerns about whether these attacks are being orchestrated for political motives or illicit financial gain?

While there may be no evidence to support such suspicions, insecurity thrives in the shadows where transparency is absent. The summit, themed “Media and Security Agencies as Partners in Nation Building,” was conceived as a platform to foster understanding between two institutions whose responsibilities frequently intersect: the media and the security services.

The opening day was impressive. It drew a diverse audience of journalists, academics, communication specialists, development partners, security personnel, and government officials. The Minister of Information and National Orientation, Malam Mohammed Idris Malagi, was the most senior figure in attendance, adding weight to the proceedings. Discussions focused on strategic communication, responsible journalism, national security, and the importance of collaboration in addressing Nigeria’s complex security challenges.

However, the second day, which was designed as the technical session devoted specifically to national security issues, presented a different picture. The security chiefs whose institutions were central to the conversation were conspicuously absent. More disappointing was the fact that many of them were neither physically present nor represented.

Ironically, the discussions that day could have benefited enormously from their participation. The keynote speaker, Mr. Musikilu Mojeed, President of the International Press Institute (IPI) Nigeria, delivered a well-researched paper on the delicate relationship between the media and security institutions. He examined several historical and contemporary cases that highlighted tensions, misunderstandings, and occasional confrontations between journalists and security agencies.

During his presentation, he referenced the controversial 2014 incident in which security operatives intercepted newspaper distribution vehicles, an episode that drew widespread criticism from media organisations and civil society groups.

What Mr. Mojeed perhaps did not know was that one of the principal actors in that period, former Director of Defence Information, Major General Chris Olukolade (rtd.), was quietly seated at the back of the hall with a former Director of Naval Information, Commodore Kabir Aliyu (rtd.). I was privileged to sit beside them as the presentation progressed.

General Olukolade, currently the Chairman of the Centre for Crisis Communication (CCC) is not known for reopening old controversies. In fact, he has consistently avoided public discussions about many military operations and sensitive decisions from previous eras. Yet, on this occasion, he felt compelled to provide clarification.

When given the microphone, he explained that at the time, during the administration of Goodluck Jonathan, security agencies were grappling with evolving terrorist tactics, including intelligence reports suggesting that insurgents were exploring unconventional methods of transporting weapons and logistics across the country.

More importantly, he revealed something that many critics may not have known: the security command later acknowledged public concerns over the incident and apologised. According to him, lessons were learned, and safeguards were introduced to ensure that such actions would not recur. He added that dialogue often achieves what assumptions cannot.

To my surprise, I was also invited to the podium to contribute to the discussion on media-security relations. My intervention was modest. Rather than focusing on disagreements, I chose to highlight examples of productive collaboration between journalists and security agencies through the Forum of Spokespersons of Security and Response Agencies (FOSSRA), an initiative once chaired by General Olukolade and later by the late Major General Abubakar Rabe.

I remembered the professionalism of editors who placed national interest above sensational headlines. One notable example involved a senior editor of ThisDay Newspaper, Ms Ijeoma Nwogwugwu, who received a late-night request in June 2013 from military authorities regarding a specific word used in a report on insurgency operations. The concern was that publishing certain details could jeopardise an ongoing mission. After reviewing the implications, the newspaper agreed and made the adjustment. The operation was subsequently adjudged successful.

I also recalled my May 2014 visit to Premium Times’ headquarters after a report on an alleged mutiny by soldiers in Borno State. At the time, I passionately appealed to the newspaper’s leadership to consider replacing the word “mutiny” with “protest” because of the severe legal implications of mutiny under military law. While the then Managing Editor, Musikilu Mojeed, listened attentively and showed understanding, the story had already gained traction elsewhere. Eventually, some of the affected soldiers were convicted of mutiny.

Similarly, I recounted how Mallam Hamza Idris, then Daily Trust Bureau Chief in Borno in February 2015, filed what appeared to be a routine report. Security officials later raised concerns that the unpublished story, though harmless on the surface, could inadvertently expose troop movements and operational plans. After assessing the potential consequences, the editorial leadership of Weekend Daily Trust sacrificed what was scheduled to be a front-page lead in the interest of national security.

That same year, two Nigerian journalists working for foreign media were briefly detained in a Borno hotel, an action taken purely for their safety, though widely misinterpreted. During major anti‑insurgency operations, senior media executives were routinely briefed. And despite criticisms of Sahara Reporters’ style, its publisher, Omoyele Sowore, often showed genuine concern for national security. The then NGE President, Femi Adesina, and the Dean of Bureau Chiefs, Yusuf Alli, can attest to the trust and confidentiality that defined those engagements.

The cooperation between the media and security agencies, supported by broader inter‑agency coordination through FOSSRAhelped reduce conflict and contributed significantly to the recovery of dozens of towns from terrorist control ahead of the 2015 election. Although FOSSRA was last chaired by General Rabe before being abandoned under the Buhari administration, its strategic value was clear. Recognising this, NSA Malam Nuhu Ribadu pragmatically revived the mechanism with the Centre for Crisis Communication (CCC) as technical partner. Unfortunately, that effort was later undermined by unprofessional insiders whose motives remain questionable.

These examples demonstrate that the relationship between the media and security agencies has not always been characterised by hostility. There have been countless instances of cooperation, understanding, and mutual respect.

That is precisely why the absence of serving security chiefs from the second day of the summit was disappointing. The gathering offered a rare opportunity for frank conversations, confidence-building, and institutional learning. Meanwhile, the communiqu issued at the end of the two-day summit, signed by NUJ President Comrade Alhassan Yahaya Abdullahi, captured many of the concerns raised during the discussions. Most importantly, participants reaffirmed that national security and sustainable development depend on strong, transparent, and accountable partnerships among the media, security agencies, government institutions, and citizens.

It is expected that next time an invitation is extended, they will honour it, especially when it comes from a respected and trusted ally whose partnership is vital to national security.

Yushau A. Shuaib is the author of An Encounter with the Spymaster. yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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Disu has saved many lives, especially those of youths and young graduates, who could have found themselves either as victims or engaged in fraud and other criminal activities.

Those words were not written today. They are a direct quote from my August 2021 article, Abba Kyari: The Celebrated Super Cop and the Unsung Heroes.In that piece, I examined the meteoric rise of Abba Kyaria man whose celebrity status, amplified by media hype and institutional indulgence, ultimately became his undoing. I argued then that fame and public adulation, when not tempered by institutional discipline, can become a dangerous liability for any security officer.

In contrast to the Super Cop phenomenon, I highlighted a cadre of Unsung Heroesofficers who carried out high‑stakes, dangerous operations with quiet efficiency and no appetite for publicity. Among them were AIG Bala Ciroma, known for discreet but effective interventions; CSP Olabisi Davies, a disciplinarian female DPO who patrolled at night and rehabilitated young offenders; DCP Kolo Yusuf, who captured over 100 kidnappers yet declined award nominations, recommending his junior officers instead; twin officers Hassan and Hussaini Gimba, famed for expert interrogations and recovering sophisticated weapons from bandits; and a then‑DCP Tunji Disu, who had emerged as Kyaris successor at the Intelligence Response Team (IRT). Disus approach was defined not by media theatrics but by preventive impactsaving young people from drifting into crime rather than amplifying his exploits.

Today, as Tunji Rilwan Disu assumes office as Acting Inspector‑General of Police, and as public debate swirls around the fate of DIG Frank Mbathe most senior Deputy Inspector‑Generalit is necessary, from a public relations standpoint, to offer context.

It is a remarkable coincidence that both Tunji Disu and Frank Mba joined the Nigeria Police Force on the same day: May 18, 1992. Both men represent a rare breed of scholar‑practitionersofficers who have balanced the rigours of operational command with serious academic pursuit.

Disu is not merely an operational tactician; he is also a trained martial artist and a disciplined strategist. His academic profile includes an MSc in Entrepreneurship (2023), an MSc in Criminology and Security Studies (2022), and a Bachelors degree in English Education (1990). His assignments have ranged from transforming the Lagos RRS into a model anti‑crime unit, to leading the Intelligence Response Team after Kyaris suspension, to serving as Commissioner of Police in Rivers State and the FCT, and most recently as AIG in charge of the Force CID Annex, Alagbon.

Frank Mbas academic trajectory is equally formidable: an LLB (Hons) from the University of Lagos, an LLM from the University of Dundee, his call to the Nigerian Bar in 2002, and a recently defended PhD thesis at the University of Ibadan. He served three times as Force PRO and held key operational roles including Commissioner of Police in Ogun State and the Border Patrol Force, as well as AIG at the FCID Annex. His international service in the United Nations Peacekeeping Mission in Liberia earned him a UN Medal.

My professional relationship with Frank Mba dates back to the formative days of the Forum of Security and Response Agencies (FOSSRA), established in 2013 under the Office of the National Security Adviser, then chaired by Major General Chris Olukolade (Rtd). At that time, inter‑agency rivalryparticularly between the police, the military, and the NSCDCoften resulted in conflicting public narratives during national crises.

It was Mba, as Force Public Relations Officer, alongside interventions from then‑Customs spokesperson (now Comptroller‑General) Adewale Adeniyi, who helped align institutional messaging. For a period, security agencies spoke with one voice during national emergenciesa rare but reassuring development in Nigerias security communication landscape.

Beyond his intellectual depth, Mba is disarmingly humorousa trait that often diffuses tension in difficult moments. During my own challenging period at NIPSS, he showed quiet concern and support. I have never perceived him as driven by reckless ambition. If anything, he understood the weight of perception in public service.

My first encounter with the new IGP Disu began on a somber note in 2017. I watched him handle a disturbing case in Lagos, where a group of innocent young men were on the verge of being framed for an offence they knew nothing about while he served as Commander of the Rapid Response Squad (RRS). Disu did not merely order an investigation; he took a bold personal risk to protect them and later spent his own resources to rehabilitate their lives. The then spokesperson to Governor Akinwunmi Ambode, Habib Haruna Life, was fully aware of those interventions and humanitarian gestures. It is therefore unsurprising that many beneficiaries of his quiet benevolencewithin Nigeria and abroadhave been reaching out to express their gratitude following his elevation.

Since his decoration, IGP Disu has signalled a reform agenda anchored on discipline and human rights. His rise is a testament to the fact that one does not need to be a Super Cop on social media to become the First Cop of the nation.

In the world of Public Relations, we believe that the brand of an institution is only as strong as the unity of its leadership. As Disu takes the reins, a question lingers about the seniority of DIG Frank Mba and other coursemates.

In some quarters, a narrative of over‑ambition is being projected onto Mba. From my vantage point, this is far from the truth. Both men are professionals who have served the Republic with distinction. However, in the tradition of the Force, when a junior or a peer is elevated to the pinnacle, veterans often consider leaving the stage while the ovation is loudest. This is not a sign of failure but a mark of ultimate sacrifice for institutional harmony. Whether Mba continues to serve under this new dispensation or seeks a new horizon, his legacy as Nigerias most effective communicator in uniform is already secure.

IGP Disu has the vision; he now needs the support of his peers to translate that vision into a safer Nigeria. He has already signalled a reform agenda centred on discipline, human rights compliance, and anti‑corruption measures. For that agenda to succeed, he will require not only the cooperation of subordinates but the goodwill of peers and seniors alike.

Institutional maturity demands that when the ovation is modest, one exits with dignityand when leadership beckons, one accepts with humility. The challenge now is not who rises or who retires. It is whether the institution rises above ego, perception, and speculation.

Yushau A. Shuaib is the author of* “An Encounter with the Spymaster “and can be reached via yashuaib@yashuaib.com.

The post Between IGP Disu and DIG Mba: A Personal Reflection appeared first on YAShuaib.

“Our country is bedevilled… (by) multifarious security challenges by which each agency must bring its wealth of experience and comparative advantage to compliment the effort of another”- DG DSS

The current Director-General of the Department of State Services (DSS), Yusuf Bichi Magaji made the above remarks in his keynote address, while hosting the meeting of the Forum of Spokespersons of Security and Response Agencies (FOSSRA) on April 24.

The Forum was established in 2013 by the Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA) to enhance synergy and collaboration amongst critical institutions that deal with issues of security and its challenges in Nigeria.

As a sensitive security organ, the ONSA is statutorily empowered to coordinate the activities of military, security, intelligence and response agencies in combating terrorism, cybercrime and major issues affecting the wellbeing of the state in Nigeria. It is a known fact that during the previous administration, the ONSA hosted regular meetings of security and service chiefs in addressing issues that could create conflict in society.

While the meeting of the security chiefs was held almost every other week in ONSA, the meeting of FOSSRA was held rotationally among member-agencies every month until June 2015.

It is of utmost importance to highlight some instances when FOSSRA’s interventions doused tension and stabilised the polity within a climate of heightened agitations and security concerns in the country.

In June 2014, the then National Security Adviser, Sambo Dasuki officially tendered an apology to the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Honourable Aminu Tambuwal, who was allegedly harassed by joint-security operatives at an international summit on Farmer-Herder Crisis in Kaduna. Both the former NSA and the Speaker are from the same royal family within the Sokoto sultanate, even if of different statuses. (Link: http://bit.ly/31HNERy)

Similarly, in one of the Army-Shi’ite altercations in Zaria, also in July 2014, during which some members and children of Sheikh Ibrahim Zakzaky were killed by Nigerian soldiers, the Chairman of FOSSRA, who was then the Director of Defence Information, General Chris Olukolade, promptly issued an empathic statement, expressing regret over the incident and announcing that a panel would be constituted to unravel the remote causes of the fracas. The statement played a magical role in nipping the controversy in the bud. (Link: http://bit.ly/2TycxMD)

The following month, the Commandant General of the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC) and two operatives of the Corps were allegedly disrespected and manhandled on different occasions by the Police. As the media were feasting on the controversy, the then spokesperson of the Nigerian Customs Service, Wale Adeniyi hosted the monthly meeting of FOSSRA in September 2014, where the erstwhile Police spokesperson, Emmanuel Ojukwu walked to the NSCDC spokesperson, Emmanuel Okeh and issued a joint statement which doused the tension. (Link: http://bit.ly/31G3eNg)

Meanwhile, since the appointment of Major General Babagana Monguno (Rtd) as the National Security Adviser (NSA) by President Muhammad Buhari in 2015, he has neither shown keen commitment to nor hosted the meeting of the FOSSRA to guard against inter-agency rivalry. The meeting of the Forum, which has become occasional, is now being hosted by the Centre for Crisis Communication (CCC) and other security agencies that value synergy and collaboration in information management.

If FOSSRA, which is domiciled under the ONSA, is very active, the current acrimony between the Nigerian Army and the police over the killing of the Police’s Intelligence Response Team (IRT) operatives by soldiers in Taraba State could have been averted. There would most likely have been an existing synergy and a more cordial relationship between these two prominent actors within the Nigerian security architecture and system.

It was alleged that soldiers of the 93 Battalion shot the IRT operatives – including Inspector Mark Ediale, Sergeant Usman Danzumi, and Sergeant Dahiru Musa – dead after they had arrested a notorious kidnap kingpin, Hamisu Bala Wadume, who is now on the run. The Army claims that the police officers were shot after being mistaken for “suspected kidnappers” and blames the attack on a communication gap.

The initial statement from the Police spokesperson, DCP Frank Mba and immediate response by the Army spokesperson, Colonel Sagir Musa, would have been needless if an effective mechanism of inter-agency collaboration, as exemplified by FOSSRA, had been adhered to.

There are trending videos, audios and sponsored stories on the fracas that need to be contained before they further exacerbate the present situation and persist as drivers of tension. It is quite unfortunate that many Nigerians on the social and mainstream media have continued to react to the incident through inciting, inflammatory and embarrassing innuendoes.

It may not be surprising if the two public relations officers of the security organs involved were actually taking orders from their principals, rather than abiding by the ethics of crisis communication management, which guide professionals on their temperament, conduct and how to shape their messages during periods of high volatility.

As spokespersons of security agencies, they are expected to be courteous, restrained and conscious of the need to show great human understanding and empathy in their public communications, at this sort of time when such really matters. It is also very important that their messages, like press releases, should be clear, concise, concrete, correct and complete, without allowing for any form of ambiguity in communication.

In all these, the absence of strategic leadership in dousing the tension, beyond the critical levels of the individual service chiefs, merely escalates the inter-agency antagonism and fuels the heated debates and fury pervading the media from visible and anonymous sources.

Is it not embarrassing that different panels were allegedly constituted to investigate this incident? While one is said to be chaired by a military officer in the rank of a major general, the other is noted as being headed by a security officer in the rank of an Assistant Inspector General of Police.

As the coordinating organ of government on security matters, ONSA should step in and manage this crisis, more professionally and with experience, especially in the absence of a federal cabinet, as the Ministers of Defence or that of Interior are yet to be sworn in. The NSA can advise the Army Chief Lt General Tukuru Buratai and Police Boss IG Mohammed Adamu on the need to urge their officers to exercise restraint. In the alternative, the Presidential Media Adviser should intervene by calling on the spokespersons of the agencies to sheath their swords in this attrition and highly unfortunate media war.

Yushau A. Shuaib
Author of An Encounter with the Spymaster
yashuaib@yahoo.com

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Dasuki-Buhari

Spymaster: A Memo to President Buhari on Sambo Dasuki
By Yushau A. Shuaib

Your Excellency, Mr. President, permit me to use this open letter as an appropriate channel to convey this message to you for the obvious reason of reliability. For fear of being misunderstood, I should state from the onset that I have been your hardened fan since the 80-90s while I was a student and contributing articles featuring the famed incorruptibility and discipline of you and your former lieutenant, the late General Tunde Idiagbon. (Link: https://yashuaib.com/1991/11/haba-governor-madaki/)

It may interest you to note that immediately after your election, I was approached by well-wishers requesting my services on communication strategies for your wife, Mrs Aisha Buhari. While I recognised the fact that such request to work with the first family is a great honour, I nevertheless politely declined for fear of conflict of interest because I had served the Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA) during the tenure of Sambo Dasuki which is being probed by your government.

I wish to therefore implore you to read this memo with open-mind as coming from an admirer who means well for you and the nation because of some disclosure I would make here for the record.

Immediately after I was prematurely retired from the public service for writing against a serving powerful minister during the previous administration, Sambo Dasuki invited me to serve the same government as a consultant on crisis communication and a major intermediary between the media and the critical stakeholders i.e. the military, security, intelligence and response agencies in Nigeria. The assignment was designed to counter terrorists’ propaganda and other campaigns on security consciousness which we successfully executed in the last three years. (Link: https://yashuaib.com/2014/03/sambo-dasuki-on-security-media-relations/)

In the course of my assignment not only did I relate closely with the ONSA and other security agencies, I also enjoyed interaction on valuable information about your past relationship with Sambo Dasuki. Your Excellency, you may recall my first article on his travail which I titled ‘An Encounter with the Spymaster’ in July 2015. In that article, I narrated his visit with other officers to you in Jos while you were GOC over the coup that ousted President Shehu Shagari which you later emerged as the Head of State. I also stated his denial of ever arresting you or detaining you after the Babangida coup that ousted you. In fact, few weeks after my publication, your town man, retired Colonel Abdulmumini Aminu corroborated the same story by insisting that it was him (AbdulMumini and two other officers –John Madaki and Lawan Gwadabe) and not Dasuki that arrested you (Link: http://www.premiumtimesng.com/news/top-news/188069-how-we-arrested-buhari-during-1985-coup-abdulmumini-aminu.html or http://bit.ly/2fK4jQv

In the same article, Dasuki whom I learnt is your in-law, narrated his brotherly supports for your candidacy for the Presidency in 2003, 2007 and 2011 before he was later appointed the NSA by Goodluck Jonathan. Apart from mentioning names of people privy to those efforts in that article who are still alive, he also mentioned how he pleaded with Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Chief Bisi Akande on your behalf to allow you fly the joint ticket of the Presidential candidate of the then CPC and ACN in 2011. (Link: https://yashuaib.com/2015/07/sambo-dasuki-an-encounter-with-spymaster/)

Your excellency, from the foregoing, I can say that Sambo Dasuki is an honourable man who respected you and can do no harm. In fact, he confided in me when he was acting as your NSA that many people were asking him to run away because you would deal with him. He said “I can never be a fugitive after past Abacha’s attempt on my life in the 90s. I will remain in Nigeria and face any consequences.”

While serving as the consultant to ONSA and other security agencies, we created a most cohesive and organised platform for top security spokespersons under the platform of Forum of Spokespersons of Security and Response Agencies (FOSSRA) to counter the narratives and propaganada machinery of the insurgents and their sympathizers. We succeeded in establishing and sustaining mutual understanding and synergy among all the agencies, especially in coherent and coordinated interface with the media. We also eliminated inter-agency rivalry and dichotomy as we also checked and controlled embarrassing information leakages that might be injurious to national security. (Link: https://prnigeria.com/2014/08/fossra-foster-interagency-security-collaboration/)

It should be stated here that during the critical period of the war on terror, the western powers deliberately refused to sell required weapons and armaments to Nigeria to prosecute the war on flimsy excuses of human right abuses. When they embargoed the supply, the then government had to resort to Eastern Block for required arms and ammunition. Though the arrival of the equipment were late which necessitated the postponement of the 2015 election, the subsequent operations were successful. In fact, Your Excellency, some of the acquisitions arrived after you came into office. (Link: https://prnigeria.com/2015/04/military-to-liberate-sambisa-forest-may-29-nsa/)

Dasuki also confirmed the acquisitions of Alpha jets, Armoured Personnel Carriers (APCs), Mine-Resistant Ambush Protected (MRAP) vehicles, advanced artillery pieces, assorted arms and ammunition, sophisticated surveillance drones, T72 Battle Tanks and modification of F7 supersonic jet fighters. (Link: https://prnigeria.com/2015/08/we-acquire-sophisticated-weapons-against-terrorism-ex-nsa-sambo-dasuki/)

Your Excellency, you may be aware that the military during Jonathan’s administration also secured the cooperation of reluctant neighboring countries to confront terrorists after funding the Multi-National Joint Task Force (MNJTF). You may also be aware about other strategies that were deployed to tackle the Boko Haram menace when Special Technical Advisers from friendly countries intelligently assisted our air powers to clear the occupied territories from the sky while the ground troops moved in to consolidate the clearance of the remnant of terrorists. (Link: https://prnigeria.com/2015/03/so-called-mercenaries-are-technical-advisers/)

Your Excellency, as you may probably know, average Nigerians can be forgetful. Before the handover to you as the President of Federal Republic of Nigeria on May 29, 2015, when Sambo Dasuki was still the NSA under the Jonathan administration, Nigerian military had successfully liberated dozens of towns and cities from terrorists in Adamawa, Borno and Yobe State. Some of the liberated towns including these 24 towns: Abadam, Askira, Baga, Bama, Bara, Buni Yadi, Damboa, Dikwa, Gamboru-Ngala, Goniri, Gujba, Gulag, Gulani, Gwoza, Hong, Kala Balge, Konduga, Kukawa, Marte, Madagali, Michika, Monguno, Mubi, Vimtim among other communities with pictorial and video evidences provided by the Defence Headquarters. In one day alone April 30, 2015, at least 234 abductees (Women and Children) were rescued by the military who had stormed sections of the Sambisa Forest. (Link: https://prnigeria.com/2015/05/another-set-of-234-women-and-children-freed/)

Some of the finest and courageous military commanders who led our troops to recover those territories are still in active service and can bear witness to those great moment of the military’s accomplishments. I must commend your Excellency for assigning some of them to higher responsibility and for providing the nation with the current courageous Service Chiefs who have performed exceeding well in the mopping and clearance exercise.

You may also be aware that it was Sambo Dasuki as the NSA who introduced the Soft-Approach programme that gave birth to Presidential Initiative on North-East (PINE), which later metamorphosed into Presidential Committee on North-East (PCNI) which you recently inaugurated. In fact Dasuki also launched and implemented the National Counter Terrorism Strategy (NACTEST) which your Vice President Osinbajo and current humble NSA Mohammed Monguno relaunched recently too. These are obvious facts your excellency. (Link: https://yashuaib.com/2016/09/nactest-osinbajo-and-the-revised-counter-insurgency-campaign/)

Mr. President, I raised some of these issues to let you know that there are a lot of alarming and toxic misleading information in the public domain. You may recall my alarm over the AVM Jon Ode Panel on arms procurement and advise I gave you to always conduct thorough and due diligence search on those to be appointed into any organisation, committee or panel to ensure their incorruptibility in line with the change mantra of your administration. I warned that wrong people in sensitive positions may capitalise on your sincerity to engage in proxy wars without your knowledge. I mean this sir. (Link: https://prnigeria.com/2016/03/yashuaib-resigns-fossra-say-jon-ode-panel-misleading-president-buhari/)

May I appeal to Your Excellency to simply review the fact that Sambo Dasuki has been granted bails by three High Courts in Nigeria and that even the ECOWAS Court has also ordered his release yet he has remained in custody. I know you can do it because you single-handedly intervened in saving careers of some senior military officers when you refused to be misled by some reports. Surprisingly, the public are not even aware of your magnanimous gesture but some of us are, as the saved security officers remain grateful to your kindness and fatherly role. (Link: https://prnigeria.com/2016/10/ecowas-court-orders-immediate-release-dasuki/)

The obvious disobedience to court order on Dasuki’s bail is quite disturbing. Since his arrest and detention on December 1, 2015, Dasuki has observed Christmas, New Year, Islamic Festivities of Ramadan, EidKabir and Moulud in captivity. In less than a month time, he will have clocked one year in detention against the law.

With consolidation of some of the charges against Dasuki, the judiciary should also be encouraged to ensure that the Court Trial is open to the public rather than through Secret Trial. Open trial may provide factual realities of stewardship against occasional imaginary fictions of media trials.

Your Excellency, as an admirer of your discipline and incorruptibility, I pray you lead the country to the path of political stability and economic recovery. I also pray that at the end of your tenure, your aides and loyalists would have the same courage to stand by you without being hypocritical ingrates as we have seen today.

I wish you success sir. Long live Federal Republic of Nigeria.

Yushau A. Shuaib
Blogger: www.YAShuaib.com
Founder: www.PRNigeria.com (The Press Release Platform)
yashuaib@yahoo.com

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By Yushau A. Shuaib

There is anxiety in the land over this month’s general elections. To be sure, the presidential and national assembly elections will hold on February 14, 2015 while those of governors and state assemblies have been scheduled for February 28. Some of the fears though, especially about security and logistics challenges have been allayed by recent pronouncements and disclosures from security agencies and the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).

The Forum of Spokespersons of Security and Response Agencies (FOSSRA), which has membership drawn from military, security, intelligence and response agencies, has pledged to remain professional, non-partisan and apolitical at all times while promising to ensure adequate security and fairness before, during and after the February elections.

The assurance from the August body is very crucial because membership include representatives from Defence Headquarters, Army, Air force, Navy, Police, Department of State Services (DSS), Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC), National Intelligence Agency (NIA), Office of the National Security Adviser (NSA), Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), Nigeria Immigration Service (NIS), Nigeria Customs Service (NCS), Nigeria Prison Service (NPS), Federal Fire Service (FFS), Federal Road Safety Commission (FRSC) and National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA).

In its communiqué, which was signed by Major Gen. Chris Olukolade and Emmanuel Okeh, Chairman and Secretary respectively, FOSSRA members resolved that, through efficient and effective inter-agency collaboration, their respective agencies would ensure maximum security cover during the election period.

On its part, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), has also said that it has received all the necessary logistics and funding for the elections. Speaking at a one-day lecture organised by the African Policy Research Institute (APRI) on the forthcoming elections, the INEC Chairman, Professor Attahiru Jega said that the Federal Government had approved and released funds required by the commission to conduct the elections.

The INEC boss was quoted to have said “Funding is always an issue, but I can say that for INEC in terms of our preparation, it is no longer an issue, anybody will always want to have more money but we believe that we have sufficient resources to be able to conduct the 2015 general elections. So, we can say that funding is no longer an issue for us as far as the election is concerned.”

What may jeopardise the election, which most people insist must hold as scheduled is the inability of a significant number of prospective voters to obtain their permanent voters’ card (PVC).

The statistics released by INEC to justify its level of preparedness calls for more concerted efforts, mobilisation and massive sensitisation campaigns to ensure that nothing is compromised towards fruitful elections.

In its official analysis of the nationwide voter registration database, INEC had confirmed the registration of 73,528,040 of voters during the 2011 registration. Because of some defect in the total registration, the electoral body officially registered 68,833,476 voters for the elections in February 2015. The figure was arrived at after removing over four million voters that were allegedly engaged in duplicate registration. The removal was done through the commission’s AFIX and Business Rules for the printing of Permanent Voter Cards (PVCs).

There is also the relocation of all Polling Units (PUs) from churches, mosques, private compounds and even veranda of schools so that all PUs would be inside enclosures in line with international best practices. Nigeria now has 119, 973 polling units nationwide for the elections.

With the introduction of 145,000 Smart Reader Cards (SRCs) to check rigging or manipulation, INEC has insisted that it wouldn’t allow those with temporary voter cards to vote in the election. These Smart Reader Cards will authenticate the holder of any PVC, confirm his or her finger print and detect fake or cloned PVC.

Most worrisome of the statistics is the data on registered voters and number of Cards distributed to voters. While the confirmed registered voters are 68,833,476, the number of cards distributed as at February 1, 2015 is 42,779,339 which gives 62.15% of the distribution.

It is alarming that some states with larger population of voters, and curiously strongholds of the opposition are indeed backwards in distribution. For instance, states that are governed by the All Progressives Congress (APC) like Lagos, Kano and Rivers merely recorded 38%, 52%, 49% of Distribution of Voters cards while those under the ruling Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) like Taraba, Akwa Ibom, Kaduna states have high distribution rates of at least 80% each.

On the relocations of poling units, INEC should as matter of urgency, educate and announce addresses of the new locations to voters to avoid confusion on election days.

While adopting its Business Rule in removing over four million registered voters, INEC should realise that there is likelihood that some genuine names might have been removed by the AFTEX technology. It is therefore essential that those innocent potential voters that might have been affected should have the opportunity of redress. If necessary, they should be re-registered just like the Sultan of Sokoto was treated when he complained that his name was missing.

While most of the major stakeholders have insisted on the conduct of elections on the stipulated dates, INEC should extend distribution of PVCs to the eve of elections rather than February 8, 2015 to allow more potential voters to receive their cards and avoid disenfranchisement of electorates. Though it could be cumbersome to combine the logistics involved in preparing for the real election with card distribution, INEC must ensure that every voter receives his/her card. A situation where an average Nigerian, who is not a politician, complains of not receiving PVC is quite worrisome.

It is anticipated that there would be court cases after the elections and so INEC should take appropriate measures to avoid massive litigations and embarrassing protests over disenfranchising significant percentage of voters in some states.

This article by Yushau A. Shuaib has been published in online and print media in February 2015

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