After the bishops recent closed‑door meeting with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Cardinal John Onaiyekan made a striking claim: that presidential aides are shielding the President from the true suffering in the country, presenting a false rosy picture, and that Tinubu already appears desperate about winning the 2027 election.

As a writer and observer of governance, I share that concern. A president who controls the instruments of state, commands a united party, and faces a divided opposition has little rational cause for electoral anxiety unless overzealous handlers are manufacturing threats where few exist.

The question therefore deserves to be asked plainly: what exactly is President Bola Ahmed Tinubu afraid of?

The EFCCs freezing of the Osun State Governments accounts barely a week before the governorship election citing a court order later reversed by the President himself was not merely a legal misstep. It was a political signal of ‘over‑sabi’ that familiar Yoruba expression for excessive, misdirected overzealousness gone disastrously wrong. It also raised a question that goes beyond Osuns finances and cuts to the heart of governance in Abuja: are these the deliberate choices of a confident presidency, or the panicked manoeuvres of handlers who have convinced the President that 2027 is a battle he might lose?

Because by any honest reading of Nigerias political landscape, the evidence for such fear is astonishingly thin.

Tinubu enters the 2027 cycle with structural advantages unmatched in recent democratic history.

He controls the executive machinery of the Federal Government with unusual cohesion. The CBN and NRS, custodians of the national treasury and revenue and the full architecture of anti‑corruption agencies operate within a presidency facing no internal rebellion. The security services police, DSS, and the military answer to the Commander‑in‑Chief. INEC operates within a constitutional framework that any well‑resourced incumbent can navigate with relative ease.

Why should he entertain fear? His party, the APC, has absorbed opposition defections at a rate that has reshaped the electoral map. Several governors elected on opposition platforms in 2023 have since crossed over, weakening the institutional backbone of any credible challenge. The PDP, Labour Party, and other formations remain fractured much like 2023, when the split between Atiku Abubakar, Peter Obi, and Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso arguably delivered the presidency to Tinubu on the platter of gold. Has he forgotten that blessing in disguise?

Tinubu won the 2023 election under conditions far more hostile than anything he faces today. President Muhammadu Buhari was not enthusiastic about his candidacy. Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, Senate President Ahmed Lawan, ministers, and other APC heavyweights were either rivals or reluctant supporters. Yet Tinubu prevailed.

He now enters 2027 with those internal rivals neutralised and with the incumbency advantage he lacked in 2023.
So why are his handlers suddenly desperate even flirting with anti‑democratic impulses?

Should a president who survived 2023s turbulence now need anti‑corruption agencies freezing a states accounts one week before an election to prove loyalty?

Governance under Tinubu is mixed but not devoid of genuine achievements. Abuja, under the politically abrasive but undeniably effective Nyesom Wike, has witnessed accelerated infrastructural development: roads, housing schemes, and urban renewal projects visible to anyone who drives through the city. One may dislike his crude politics, but his performance as minister rivals the El‑Rufai era. Had these and other ministerial achievements been properly documented and consistently communicated, wouldnt they have formed a persuasive counter‑narrative to critics?

The Ministry of Information and National Orientation has also done strategic work in countering the internationally amplified Christian genocide narrative a framing that ignored the Muslim communities devastated by banditry and terrorism in the North‑West and North‑East. Doesnt the lobbying that produced a more balanced posture from Washington including under President Donald Trump reflect a sophistication in foreign‑policy communication that deserves amplification?

The administration has increased military remuneration, strengthening loyalty to civilian command. The foiling of a reported coup attempt further consolidates military alignment with the presidency.Do these achievements justify political panic?

One under‑analysed dimension of Tinubus political arithmetic is the legacy of the MuslimMuslim ticket. The TinubuShettima pairing was controversial in 2023, with critics warning it would alienate Christian voters. Yet, paradoxically after the victory, the administration has appointed Christian technocrats to some of the most economically sensitive ministries and key security portfolios alongside many Yoruba appointees. Whether by design or necessity, hasnt the MuslimMuslim ticket ended up delivering significant Christian representation at the apex of federal governance?

Retaining Shettima for 2027 follows the same logic: consolidate the Muslim North especially the core North that delivered decisive margins while Christian appointments counterbalance the optics. It is a defensible strategy. But doesnt it require sophisticated communication which has not always been forthcoming?

Back to Osun: The real danger. The EFCCs freezing of Osuns accounts days before an election was legally arguable but politically indefensible. The timing made it impossible to interpret as anything other than partisan interference. The President‑ordered reversal after the alleged court order only confirmed what the optics had already declared.

The damage is not to Governor Ademola Adeleke or the opposition party. The damage is to President Tinubu. It invites the central question every overzealous enforcement action provokes: did the President authorise this and other similar actions, including judicial manoeuvres?

If yes, it suggests a president anxious about 2027 despite overwhelming structural advantages or one willing to compromise institutional integrity for marginal electoral gain. If no, it suggests something equally dangerous: that agencies are acting in his name without his knowledge, and that the presidency is unable to control institutions under its authority.

Neither interpretation flatters the presidency. Both are politically corrosive.

Nigeria has seen this pattern before. Weaponising anti‑corruption agencies does not strengthen incumbents. It delegitimises institutions, hardens opposition resolve, generates sympathy for targeted figures, and provides ammunition to international observers already sceptical of Nigerias democratic governance.

Does the arithmetic of intimidation ever favour the intimidator?

Tinubu is not a political novice. He is one of the most strategically sophisticated political minds Nigeria has produced. The Lagos model whatever its imperfections demonstrates his ability to build and sustain political structures over decades.

Which makes the question more urgent: who is advising him that these manoeuvres are necessary? Are they genuinely trying to secure his re‑election?
Or are some exploiting his perceived anxiety for their own selfish interests?

Because the greatest threat to a Tinubu second term is not Atiku Abubakar, Peter Obi, or Kwankwaso. It is the growing perception that a confident presidency is behaving like one that is not.

Yushau A. Shuaib is the author of “MNI Versus MNIPR in NIPSS” on Tackling institutional Bullying. yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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It is both shameful and appalling that despite the prolonged persecution of the Dasuki familyfrom the dethronement of Sultan of Sokoto, Alhaji Ibrahim Dasuki, to the harassment of his offspring under General Sani Abacha, forcing some into exile and the humiliation of Sambo Dasuki under former President Muhammadu Buharia fresh wave of media trials has resurfaced through an investigative report in a U.S. tabloid funded through grants.

The recent report titled “UNCOVERED: Power & Polo”, published by The Post and Courier examines how Aiken, South Carolina, a historic enclave for wealthy horse enthusiasts, has become a destination for international figures with controversial pasts, including those accused of money laundering and corruption.

While such investigative reports may be well-intentioned, their reliance on grants and donations often raises questions about their independence, depth, and objectivity. For instance, the report fixates on Sambo Dasuki, Nigeria’s former National Security Adviser, alleging that his purchase of Green Hill Farms in the early 2000s involved funds channeled through shell companies in the Bahamas and Hong Kong.

Aiken has long been a retreat for the wealthy, dating back to the 19th century when affluent personalities sought refuge from harsh climates and diseases. Its sandy terrain made it ideal for polo, attracting elite families. Today, it remains a hub for international horse lovers, including billionaires from Dubai, Russia, and Nigeria.

However, the narrative took a deliberate turn when the report linked Dasuki to Aiken, stating that he purchased Green Hill Farms in 2002 (23 years ago) for $950,000 in an apparent cash deal, allegedly raising red flags regarding the transaction’s legitimacy. The report also claimed that his wife, Farida, attempted to secure an EB-5 “golden visa” by asserting that the farm would be used for a horse-breeding businessa request allegedly denied due to questions surrounding the source of funds. Nowhere in the report, however, was it stated that Dasuki or his family faced any formal investigation regarding the purchase.

How does a legitimate business transaction from 23 years agonearly a decade before Dasuki was appointed National Security Adviser (NSA)suddenly become breaking news, especially when no U.S. authority is probing it?

What is particularly troubling is the deliberate attempt to link this 2002 transaction to Dasukis 2015 arrest in Nigeria, where he was accused of embezzling $2.1 billion meant to combat Boko Haram. This tenuous connection, spanning over a decade, is misleading and reeks of sensationalism and calculated mischief.

Surprisingly, other media outlets latched onto that angle and further distorted the story, cherry-picking sensational elements to attract readership. The entire report appears to be a rehash of the long-standing persecution of Sambo Dasuki and his family through media trials.

The reports biases are glaring. It uses derogatory language to describe Sultan Ibrahim Dasuki, a respected public figure, distinguished diplomat, and successful businessman who passed away in 2016 at the age of 92. Including the name of the Sultan appears to be an attempt to tarnish his legacy.

It is necessary to highlight that Sultan Ibrahim Dasuki was a multimillionaire industrialist, banker, and philanthropist who played pivotal roles in Nigerias political, religious, and business spheres.

A report from The Los Angeles Times (May 14, 1991) titled “The Sultan of Sokoto Bridges Two Worlds in Nigeria” described him as “a millionaire industrialist and banker.” Educated at Barewa College and Oxford University, he served as a private secretary to Sir Ahmadu Bello, was a Nigerian diplomat in Sudan and Germany, and chaired Nigeria Railways before founding BCCI Nigeria. He held a significant religious role as Secretary-General of the Nigerian Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs. He was also known as a collector of rare cars and a breeder of racing and polo horses.

Additionally, The Los Angeles Times noted how, in the early 1990s, Sultan Dasuki personally funded a $2.5 million modernization of the Sokoto palace. This underscores the established wealth of the Dasuki family. The Dasuki lineage includes politicians, public administrators, and successful businesspeople in telecommunications, real estate, shipping, and oil and gas industries.

Yet, the report deliberately ignores these facts, focusing on unverified allegations. If the investigators lacked the resources to travel to Nigeria, they could have conducted thorough research to provide a balanced perspective. Beyond ethical and quality concerns, the investigation lacked thoroughness, as it relied on hearsay regarding Boko Harams risewhich began about a decade after the alleged farm purchase.

When Dasuki became National Security Adviser in 2012, the Boko Haram insurgency was at its peak, yet Western powers offered little assistance. It is public knowledge that the U.S. and its allies hindered President Goodluck Jonathan’s counterterrorism efforts, refusing to sell arms to Nigeria under the guise of human rights concerns. This lack of support contributed to Jonathan’s political downfall, paving the way for a new government.

Rather than governing effectively, the new administration launched a selective anti-corruption campaign that demonized opposition figures while shielding its own supporters. The so-called Dasukigate scandal became a tool for political persecution, with campaign financiers of the ruling party granted immunity while opposition figures faced relentless prosecution.

The reports limited scope and depth further demonstrate its bias. It fails to address the broader context of Dasukis tenure as NSA. Despite challenges, under Dasukis leadership, the Nigerian military successfully reclaimed more than two dozen towns and communities from Boko Haram. Available records confirm the liberation of numerous cities across Adamawa, Borno, and Yobe States, including Abadam, Askira, Baga, Bama, Bara, Buni Yadi, Damboa, Dikwa, Gamboru-Ngala, Goniri, Gujba, Gulag, Gulani, Gwoza, Hong, Kala Balge, Konduga, Kukawa, Marte, Madagali, Michika, Monguno, Mubi, and Vimtim. Pictorial and video evidence of these military successes, including the rescue of 234 abductees from Sambisa Forest on April 30, 2015, remain publicly available.

While foreign military instructors, often derisively labelled mercenaries, contributed to these victories, the Nigerian militarys achievements were undeniable. Unfortunately, rather than sustaining these gains, the new administration abandoned crucial security agreements, leading to the resurgence of armed banditry and insurgency in the North-West and North-Central regions. Today, once peaceful states, such as Zamfara, Katsina, Sokoto, Kaduna, and Niger, have become epicentres of terrorisma situation far less pronounced under Dasukis leadership.

As the $2.1 billion Dasukigate case remains in court, one can only hope that the Tinubu administration allows the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), under its current chairman, Olanipekun Olukoyede, to expose the corruption of past administrations. If properly investigated, the alleged anti-corruption fight of the previous government will be revealed for what it was: a targeted assault on political opponents while shielding allies from accountability.

The disjointed narrative of The Post and Courier, the U.S. tabloidpresented in the “UNCOVERED: Power & Polo” report, is a disservice to journalism and a blatant attempt to rewrite history. It is high time we moved beyond media trials and focused on facts, fairness, and the pursuit of justice. Like Nigeria’s history, the Dasuki familys legacy deserves to be treated with respect and integrity.

Yushau A. Shuaib is the Author of An Encounter with the Spymaster yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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Senator Saraki, Danladi of CCT, Magu of EFCC

Bukola Saraki: Between CCT and EFCC
By Yushau A. Shuaib

“I swear by the Almighty Allah to do justice. We are all human beings and not God, we must be fair and just,” – Umar Danladi

Those were the words of the Chairman of Code of Conduct Tribunal (CCT), Danladi Umar at the resumed hearing on the trial of Bukola Saraki on May 17, 2016. He said he was under “serious influence” during the trial of Asiwaju Bola Tinubu in the same court in 2011, when President Goodluck Jonathan was in power. He, however, said he defied the excessive pressure and discharged Tinubu, an opposition leader, over allegations of false assets declaration. (Thisday https://goo.gl/tH6tu9)

The same judge recently discharged and acquitted Senate President Bukola Saraki over an asset declaration case. Immediately after the judgement, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) was said to have threatened to invite the Chairman of the CCT over alleged corrupt practices. (The Nation: https://goo.gl/Wfv3pL)

The said corruption charge which anti-corruption agency wants to probe Danladi had already been cleared by the same EFCC under Ibrahim Lamorde in 2015 (Sahara Reporters: https://goo.gl/tnPTVV).

Not only that, on April 20, 2016, the EFCC under current Acting Chairman Ibrahim Magu further cleared CCT boss through an official letter with reference number EFCC/P/NHRU/688/V.30/99 which stated inter alia, ‘‘We would like to reiterate the Commission’s position in regard to this matter as earlier communicated to you and state that the allegations levelled against Justice Umar were mere suspicion and consequently insufficient to successfully prosecute the offence”. The spokesperson for the EFCC, Wilson Uwujaren even confirmed the clearance too. (Premium Times: https://goo.gl/nvvPSB)

The case of Saraki just like that of Tinubu is believed in many quarters to be politically motivated. The miraculous manner he emerged the Senate President against all odds and his strong opposition to a Muslim-Muslim ticket for the APC in the build-up to the 2015 general elections were major reasons for Saraki’s persecution and prosecution, based on his claims. (NAIJ: https://goo.gl/HYkBkR)

While many were disappointed with the judgement of CCT over Saraki’s case to the extent that some groups were cursing his family and his associates, it is necessary to look at the grounds for the acquittal. A mere allegation of offence does not guarantee a conviction for guilt. It is a popular saying in law that “he who alleges must prove that the accused actually committed the crime before the court can make any pronouncement.”

The main function of the EFCC is to fight economic and financial crimes but not to usurp the power of Code of Conduct Bureau (CCB) which is constitutionally empowered to prosecute cases under false declaration of assets. In prosecuting their case against Saraki, the government through its prosecutors called for only 4 witnesses and tendered 48 exhibits during the trial.

The first witness, Michael Wetkas, who is an EFCC operative admitted that he neither obtained any statement from Saraki nor interviewed him on the charges before the court. Meanwhile, Wetkas admitted that there was no evidence to show that Saraki did not declare a piece of property in London. Adding that he had no detailed information regarding the alleged undeclared property. (The Cable: https://goo.gl/b4HUnF)

The second witness, Amazu Nwachukwu invited by EFCC to be its witness was emphatic that he knew nothing about the purported foreign account operated by Saraki. He added that the bundle of documents in his possession at the tribunal was presented to him by the prosecution and that he was just asked to read the documents and not that he knew anything about them since he was not the author. (The Sun: https://goo.gl/ucn2aJ)

The third witness who is the Head of Investigation of the CCB, Samuel Madujemu admitted that Saraki indeed declared his assets and that of his wife and his children when he held office as Kwara State Governor. (The Guardian: https://goo.gl/fzusGL)

He further claimed that his agency had no formal report of the investigation carried out on the assets of Saraki. According to him, it was EFCC’s investigation after Saraki becomes Senate President that led to the arraignment on asset declaration. He further dropped a bombshell when he said: “On the documents so far tendered at the tribunal against Saraki, the documents were sourced by the EFCC operatives on the joint investigative team and I cannot speak for them here. In fact, I am not familiar with every aspect of the exhibits tendered because we in the CCB did not generate them.” (DailyPost: https://goo.gl/CBkniW)

In a desperate move for damage control after the contradictory evidence by the three witnesses, another banker, the fourth witness Mr. Bayo Dauda of GTB denied ever seeing any foreign account allegedly operated by Saraki. The Banker said he had never worked with foreign banks to know how they open accounts for their customers. He boldly stated that the documents presented to him to give evidence were handed over to him by EFCC when he reached Abuja and that he was neither the maker nor the signatory to the documents and as such, he will not be in a position to verify documents prepared by another person. At the last hearing day, he told the Tribunal that the contentious document inquired by the Tribunal patterning the transaction of the defendant cannot be found.” (PRNigeria: https://goo.gl/cGr7f4)

Meanwhile, as all the EFCC witnesses gave contradictory and weak evidence, the Justice Danladi Yakubu Umar, and his colleague on the bench, Agwadza Atedze upheld the no-case submission of the Senate President and consequently discharged and acquitted him. The tribunal stated that the evidence of the prosecution witnesses was manifestly unreliable and that no court could attach value to such let alone convict on it. The tribunal also stated that the testimony of the CCB Staff, who admitted that his report was based on information from his team members, rendered the whole evidence linking the defendant to the alleged offences invalid, adding that no conviction could be made on hearsay. (Punch: https://goo.gl/J5453B)

The tribunal explained that the admittance of the EFCC staff under cross-examination that Saraki was not invited for clarification on the grey areas in his assets form, grossly affected the competence of the charges, adding also that the claim by another banker that all documents it had linking Saraki to the alleged offences were lost in a fire accident further neutralised the evidence. ( DailyNigerian: https://goo.gl/GFmxJ6)

Since the case is going to the Appeal court for further judicial review, it is now time to allow the judges to perform their constitutional roles before we further engage in distractive media trial over a simple legal matter. (Daily Trust: https://goo.gl/ajd2uQ)

The two members of CCT panel deserve commendations and not knocks for their bold and courageous adjudication on this matter in spite of the intense pressures and distractions from powerful political forces.

Yushau Shuaib
www.YAShuaib.com
yashuaib@yahoo.com
Abuja

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Preparatory to the daring and merciless military operations against Boko Haram members, top officers of security and intelligence agencies were in Lagos and Abuja, towards the end of 2014 to interact with critical stakeholders that matter in shaping public perception and opinions. The then President of Nigerian Guild of Editors (NGE), Mr. Femi Adesina was part of the audience.

The interactive sessions involved the display of video clips of horrific atrocities of Boko Haram terrorists against humanity. Gory scenes of brutal executions of captured intelligence officers who were accused of spying on the terrorists’ group were shown. The officers and their informants were cruelly dismembered, buried or burnt alive by the dare devil terrorists.

One of the heart-aching videos was that of a captured female intelligence operative who was “daggered” into pieces before she could plead for her life. Few months after some debriefing with the stakeholders, through miraculous strategies of operations against terrorists, positive images emerged on the gallantry of Nigerian troops. PRNigeria released some of the declassified videos on the storming of Sambisa Forest by the special forces and intelligence operatives from the air and on the ground. The original video showed hijab-dressed female intelligence operatives, guiding women and children from the air raid to safe military zone.

There were also reported cases of captured men dressed in women attire by Nigerian troops who were later discovered to be security operatives assigned to spy in terrorists’ enclaves. Strangely enough, between January to May 2015, when Sambo Dasuki was the then National Security Adviser over two dozen occupied towns were successfully recovered and liberated from Boko Haram. The towns were: Abadam, Askira, Baga, Bama, Bara, Buni Yadi, Damboa, Dikwa, Gamboru-Ngala, Goniri, Gujba, Gulag, Gulani, Gwoza, Hong, Kala Balge, Konduga, Kukawa, Marte, Madagali, Michika, Monguno, Mubi, Vimtim among other communities.

Meanwhile, while the military and security agencies took credit for all counter-terrorism campaigns, most of the high-profile terrorists arrested, especially at the borders and across the borders were facilitated by the intelligence service. The service also facilitated the participations of reluctant neighbours in Multi-National Joint Taskforce (MNJTF) and other special forces for the success of operations.

Recently too, when 21 Chibok girls were freed by Boko Haram in October 2016, Vice President Yemi Osinbajo publicly disclosed that there was no exchange of detained members of the Boko Haram sect for the girls. The Information Minister, Lai Mohammed also strongly denied the report that Nigerian government paid a robust ransom for their release. Since no one knows what influenced the ‘Father Christmas’ gesture of Boko Haram leaders in releasing the girls which even took a section of the military by surprise, it is purely exceptional intelligence operations.

This writer has deliberately avoided mentioning any of Nigeria’s secret organisations on the above operations. The recent exposure of the National Intelligence Agency (NIA) to disrepute after the discovery of cash haul in an Ikoyi Apartment is a sad commentary to the one of the most organised, fine and respected intelligence organisations in Africa. Not only has the scandal damaged the integrity of the agency, it further exposed the Nigeria’s intelligence community to global ridicule.

It is necessary to point out that in security circle, a black budget is allocated for classified and other covert operations of a nation which can be expended under different covers and through different channels including funding of NGOs, Cultural groups, religious organisations, corporations, private firms and on most occasions through cash that could not be traced. Consciously and unconsciously patriotic and innocent citizens have supported or carried out intelligence activities without being identified with the secret service.

The instrument relating to the establishment, structure and duties of the National Intelligence Agency, especially under the National Security Agencies Act 1986 (Cap 278LFN), clearly states that “The accounts of the National Intelligence Agency shall not be subject to external audit but the Director General shall by first week of March each year, render to the President… certificate showing the total expended during the preceding period and the under which the expenditure was made and copy the National Security Adviser.”

Similarly, there are repeated keywords on NIA’s mandates which include: National Security, National Interest, employing covert sources, using the cover of government or private concerns; conduct espionage, covert operations, and counter intelligence activities.

Even though there are declared staff who are authorised to disclose their identities, most intelligence operatives are undeclared and barred from disclosing their identities but only to close family members and associates. While some live in opulence for covert assignments, others act beggarly and pretend to be poor in sensitive terrains.

The intelligence agencies allow other sister agencies take the credit for successful operations. Most of the arrested terrorists’ commanders especially at the borders and across the borders were facilitated by the intelligence service.

The scandal over N15 billion recovered by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) at Osborne Street, Ikoyi, Lagos is quite embarrassing because the Director General of NIA, Ambassador Ayo Oke has claimed that the fund belonged to the agency.

The incident is coming at a period of an intense inter-agency rivalry where security agencies were allegedly reported to be behind the leakages of classified and confidential information to smear their perceived oppositions within the same government.

The above scenario is again playing out here. Now that NIA has laid claim to the amount found in Ikoyi apartment, does it mean the Economic and Financial Crimes (EFCC) was misled? Is the mysterious whistle-blower a character in the inter-agency rivalry? Or is it another counter-intelligence by another foreign secret service against Nigeria?

In a December 2016’s article by this writer on Magu’s EFCC: Between Suspects and Victims
(https://yashuaib.com/blogs/magu-efcc-suspects-victims/) I warned that “President Buhari should ensure that the brewing inter-agency conflict among critical institutions should be urgently addressed. For instance, if the EFCC should attempt to retaliate against the report of DSS, the result will not only be dirty but likely to compromise national security.”

While the EFCC publicized the discovery, it has totally failed to disclose the owner. Even the vibrant spokesperson of EFCC, Wilson Uwujaren had to put off his mobile phone for almost 72 hours during the fracas.

With all fingers pointing to the fact that the money belongs to NIA, the burden of proof is who is the mysterious whistle-blower? Could the whistle-blower have acted on behalf of an agency engaged in the rivalry or was it as major counter-intelligence operation by foreign interests to expose and embarrass our intelligence network?

There are many ways of removing public officers but such attempts should not be done by rubbishing the integrity of public institutions they represent, especially in Nigeria’s security architecture.

I strongly believe at this critical period and with the unabated inter-agency rivalries and the incidence of leakages of classified information by some agencies of government, the current National Security Adviser, General Babagana Monguno should be wary of these developments. Though a gentleman, he needs to be more pragmatic, charismatic, assertive and decisive in dealing with erring agencies.

Yushau A. Shuaib
Publisher of PRNigeria, a global award winner in Crisis Communication
www.YAShuaib.com
yashuaib@yahoo.com

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Kirikiri prison computer centre

My ‘Ordeal’ Inside Kirikiri Prison- Yushau Shuaib
By Yushau Shuaib

This is not a joke, but a real-life story. I still wonder how my family members, friends and well-wishers would feel about my ‘ordeal’ inside the Kirikiri Medium Security Prison in Apapa, Lagos.

In fact, this write-up commenced in the Prison. All my life I have tried to avoid any act or behaviour that would warrant me being sent to any solitary confinement whether cell, house-arrest, guard-room, or prison not to talk of the most popular (or is it notorious) Kirikiri Prison in Nigeria.

In the past and up till now, I deliberately try to avoid visiting offices of friends whose mandates are to detain people even when, professionally, I engage in crisis communication which involved relating with security agencies.

Meanwhile, I have also realised that the only person that could be sure of not going to be detained either in cell, house-arrest or prison must surely be the dead person in the grave. Influential leaders have been detained and incarcerated at various times; some went to detentions straight from highly powerful positions while others moved from detention centres to privileged posts. Nelson Mandela, Shehu Shagari, Muhammadu Buhari, Olusegun Obasanjo, Obafemi Awolowo, Wole Soyinka and even Sambo Dasuki who had been granted multiple bails are very few of personalities that have tasted state confinement and imprisonment, where their movement and freedom were not only restricted but denied.

Sometimes last year, I received an invitation by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) over an investigation of a company involved in crisis management for the security sector. I felt embarrassed by the reckless and baseless indictment of the firm by the controversial and unceremoniously disbanded AVM Jon-Ode arms probe panel. I was nevertheless treated with dignity by the anti-corruption agency without being detained after providing necessary information on the issues at stake. Meanwhile, as a man, I have always prepared for the worst scenario in case of untoward eventualities.

Before I give the reason for my journey into Kirikiri prison, I know for sure that the right of prisoners in relations to physical integrity must have freedom from arbitrary arrest. No matter the situation, I know that potential detainees, by right, should be informed of the fact and grounds of any arrest. In fact, victims of emerging professional whistle-blowing enterprises deserve some respect because they are innocent until proven guilty in competent courts.

I must state that I had no hesitation when the Prison officials in Abuja, insisted that I must be conveyed to Kirikiri Prison. I was flown to Lagos and transported by a bus to the Prison in Apapa. I must also be very sincere to state that I was neither maltreated nor harassed from Abuja to Lagos even though we had flight delay.

At the entrance to the Prison I became scared to the marrow when I read a notice which stated that the Kirikiri Medium Security Prison was overcrowded. On that day, March 1, 2017, it accommodated 3051 prisoners instead of 1700 of its official capacity. More shocking was the fact that 2627 detainees were not convicted by any court but they were awaiting trial. Some awaiting trial inmates were immorally detained for frivolous offence of fighting, walking at odd hours and petition writings.

Rather than conveying me straight to the cell, the officials at the Kirikiri Prison took me to a barbing saloon where imprisoned barbers and trainees provide the services. Next to the barbing saloon were tailoring and shoemaking workshops where inmates were trained in the production of clothes, shoes, bags among others. I learnt some religious bodies and Non-Governmental Organisations purchase the items for sale outside the prison yards.

At another corner of the Kirikiri prison was a Library and a Computer Centre where some inmates study for examinations. Some even graduated with flying colours from the National Open University of Nigeria (NOUN), I learnt. By conventions, further education is to be provided to all prisoners while schooling of illiterates and young inmates are made compulsory. Even though Prison is not a place for recreation and relaxation, in this prison, there is a playground, a volleyball court and table tennis facilities. Such recreational activities like sports, music and other hobbies are by the same conventions required to be made available in prisons.

Strange enough, I noticed that most of the inmates were not malnourished but looked healthier than I had thought. I suspect that they are probably offered better medical examinations and treatments than it is imagined or believed.

While being led towards the prison accommodation, the official said that by law cells for individuals should not be used to accommodate more than one person while communal cells should only house prisoners who had been selected to share them. He added that all facilities should meet the requirement regarding health, heating, ventilation, floor space, sanitary facilities and lighting.

My ‘real ordeal’ inside the prison was how to convincingly inform my family members and well-wishers that I was never arrested but was actually on an official assignment and Special Tour of prison facilities in Lagos with some media executives including editors, columnists, broadcasters and journalists. We were being led and guided by the spokesperson of Nigerian Prison Service (NPS), Francis Enobore and the officer in charge of the Prison, Emmanuel Oluwaniyi.

As a proof of the tour of the prison, I requested the spokesperson of NPS to take my picture while standing at the Window of the Computer Centre. He obliged. After the tour, we returned to our hotel for buffet and attended a three-day workshop on prison reform organised by Prisoners’ Rehabilitation and Welfare Action (PRAWA).

After spending nights in the hotel, I returned to Abuja without spending a night in the Prison.

More pictures on the tour of Kirikiri Prisons here:  https://www.flickr.com/photos/yashuaib/albums/72157679140013481

Yushau A. Shuaib
www.yashuaib.com
yashuaib@yahoo.com

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L-R AVM Jon Ode, Ibrahim Magu

Magu’s EFCC: Between Suspects and Victims
By Yushau A. Shuaib

Sometimes in July, 2016 while attempting to pay the remunerations of over 20 staff and volunteers, it was discovered that the Company’s Salary Account, the Operational Account, the Domiciliary Account and even Personal Account of the Director had all been frozen!

Responding to the query from the company, the bank claimed that it blocked the accounts on an instruction from the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC); and this was done without even notifying the management of the company. The action forced the firm to downsize its workforce of mostly young graduates by 70% and scale down its operations.

The above scenario was the first-hand experience of this writer who has not only served the EFCC but also other critical institutions in the country for over three years. Many individuals, groups and institutions who diligently transact their legitimate businesses have suffered similar fates and are now finding it extremely difficult to run their businesses or take care of their families.

In fairness, the anti-corruption agency capitalized on the controversial report of Presidential Arms Probe Panel which went outside its brief to pick hole on other services not related to arms and ammunition. Meanwhile, the probe panel merely succeeded in creating inter-agency rivalry by exposing some security sectors to public ridicule while soft-pedalling on others. The panel led by a retired airforce officer, AVM Jon Ode barefacedly turned its terms of reference into something else (See Link1 below). It was therefore not entirely surprising when it wilfully portrayed the Nigerian Air Force (NAF) as the most corrupt security sector by ensuring the arraignment of its three past service chiefs in courts while not much is known in other branches of military and security agencies, including the police.

One of the painfully emotional cases is that of a most respected senior airforce officer who was scandalised and taking to court, few months to the wedding of his daughter, over an allegation of receiving gifts from contractors. The officer, AVM Alkali Mamu, was one of the most intelligent, kind-hearted, honest and highly experienced Nigeria’s fighter-pilot who had also flown many heads of states. That indictment abruptly ended his over 30 years of meritorious service in the military when he was serving as Chief of Administration of NAF.

While most of EFCC’s investigations are conducted based on petitions it receives from organisations, groups and individuals, the agency has taken some actions that are seemingly unethical and politically motivated, especially against officers in the previous administration and top members of the opposition parties.

The recent Senate’s rejection of the nomination of acting Chairman of EFCC, Ibrahim Magu was based on security report from Department of State Service (DSS). Though allegations against him were on corrupt practices but there are feelers that inter-agency rivalry could also not be ruled out. The report did not accuse Magu of maintaining large bank accounts or acquisitions of gargantuan properties even as he has served the police and EFCC passionately for more than two decades.

Despite the underhand tactics of leaking confidential materials and orchestration of media trials of suspects by EFCC, Magu nevertheless has an intimidating profile as a fearless and courageous anti-corruption fighter who had investigated and prosecuted many high-profile cases since the inception of EFCC.

While there are some obvious success stories on his efforts, careless indiscretions rather than financial corruption might have put Magu in the current mess. His fate is similar to those being investigated by the EFCC who are either suspects or victims and exposed to public ridicules.

In a whole year of acting as EFCC boss, Magu should have realised that he is at the mercy of the Presidency which nominates and the National Assembly that confirms appointments into certain offices. He has dignified and protected members of the Federal Executive Council but denigrated and descended heavily, without mercy, on members of the National Assembly. His penchant for engaging the legislators on unnecessary outbursts over flimsy and insubstantial issues are uncalled for, considering that they are also elected representatives of the people. For instance, in April 2016 when an EFCC Liaison officer at the National Assembly presented a plaque to Deputy Senate President, Senator Ike Ekeremedu, the EFCC under Magu descended on the legislative arms with uncouth castigation (link2). Similarly, rather than being calm, he took an offence over a media report and boasted that he had never and would never lobby legislators for his confirmation (Link3). That rejoinder was a misplaced anger because lobbying is a legitimate communication process that is acceptable in diplomacy, law and public relations.

While this is not an attempt to exonerate or hold brief for Magu over corrupt practices as alleged by the DSS, security agencies should be careful so as not to play politics with investigative reports. They should avoid playing to the gallery like the report of the AVM Jon-Ode arm probe panel whose member was caught red-handed with over $1mn cash, exotic cars and illegal firearm in his residence (Link4). As a matter of fact, President Buhari needs to even probe all members of that controversial arms probe panel to ensure that their reports were not influenced by pecuniary purposes or vindictiveness. It should be noted that AVM Jon Ode had also served as a Defence Aide in the previous administration of Goodluck Jonathan.

Since Nigerians have shown their supports for President Muhammadu Buhari’s war on corruption and the extension of the campaign to security agencies, legislators and judiciary, his recent directive for the probe of members of the executive arm as well as the 5% rewards for the whistle-blower’s efforts on recovered loots are a welcome development (Link 5).

President Buhari should ensure that the brewing inter-agency conflict among critical institutions should be urgently addressed. For instance, if the EFCC should attempt to retaliate against the report of DSS, the result will not only be dirty but likely to compromise the national security. Our security agencies should never allow their operations to be teleguided or politicized. It is therefore necessary that while each agency maintains its independence and neutrality, the Office of National Security Adviser, Defence Headquarters and Ministry of Interior should rein in their supervisory functions in ensuring better synergies among the security organs.

Yushau A. Shuaib
www.YAShuaib.com
yashuaib@yahoo.com

References:
Link 1: YAShuaib Resigns from FOSSRA… Says Jon Ode Panel Misleading President Buhari
Link2: Ekweremadu Not EFCC’s Anti-Corruption Ambassador- EFCC
Link3: I am not lobbying Anybody- Magu – EFCC
Link4: Jon-Ode Arms Panel Member in Scandal: Bugatti, Ferrari, Dollars Recovered
Link5: Expose Corruption, Receive 5% of loot- FG Urges Whistle-blower

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