Yunusa Abdullahi, consummate writer, analyst, and author of “Live Before You Leave” and “The Nigeria of My Dream,” often spoke glowingly of his boss at the National Sugar Development Council (NSDC).

A former media aide to a governor, Yunusa later became the pioneer editor of PRNigeria before moving on to the Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA) as spokesperson. He once invited me to a media session with his boss, Mr. Zacch Adedeji, whom he described as a focused and forward-looking leader. In just one year as Executive Secretary of the NSDC in 2022, Adedeji introduced democratic leadership, innovative reforms, and people-centered policies. He respected the legacies of his predecessors, building on existing structures rather than dismantling them. He also enhanced staff welfare, created a positive work environment, advanced sugar self-sufficiency, and ensured industry compliance with the Nigerian Sugar Master Plan and its Backward Integration Programme.

So, when President Bola Ahmed Tinubu appointed him as Revenue Adviser in 2023, Yunusa, within an hour, penned an insightful brief on his bosss background. A chartered accountant, Adedeji graduated with First Class honours in Management and Accounting, earned a Masters degree from Obafemi Awolowo University, and completed an executive programme at Harvard Kennedy School. His career achievements, especially as Oyo States Commissioner for Finance where he boosted internally generated revenue, positioned him as a technocrat well-suited to strengthen Nigerias fiscal discipline.

Barely three months later, Adedeji faced his toughest challenge yet when he was appointed Executive Chairman of the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS). He wasted no time in proposing bold and aggressive tax reforms that immediately sparked nationwide debate.

Among them was the replacement of FIRS with a new National Revenue Service (NRS), designed to centralize all government revenue collectionincluding oil, customs, and port revenues. While the goal was to streamline processes and eliminate leakages, critics feared it would concentrate excessive power in one institution, rivaling the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) and the Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC).

Northern governors resisted the proposed Value Added Tax (VAT) formula that allocated revenues based on company headquarters rather than consumption. They argued the policy would benefit Lagos and Rivers disproportionately while hurting northern states with high consumption but few corporate head offices.

Small and medium enterprises (SMEs), particularly in the South-East, raised concerns over compliance burdens despite the reforms raising the threshold for company income tax from ₦25 million to ₦50 million. Social media further fueled misinformation, prompting clarifications that the new regime would protect low-income earners and foster fairness.

Although the National Economic Council (NEC) advised that the bills be withdrawn for wider consultations, President Tinubu opted to proceed with legislative review and public hearings to incorporate feedback.

To many observers, Adedeji initially appeared aloof and combative. Yet, while criticisms mounted, he refrained from public quarrels, instead quietly engaging stakeholders behind the scenes, often through trusted intermediaries.

I personally witnessed some of these Chatham House-style sessions, including the one hosted by Taiwo Oyedele, the Chairperson of Nigerias Presidential Fiscal Policy and Tax Reforms Committee, where stakeholders fears were addressed. Adedeji emphasized that the reforms were not designed to stifle businesses but to simplify taxation, plug loopholes, and ensure equity. His strategy was straightforward but profound: build understanding first, legislate later.

This approach contrasted sharply with previous reform attempts, where stakeholders were often kept in the dark until policies were rolled out. Adedeji chose the harder but wiser pathnationwide consultations. He met business leaders, tax professionals, policymakers, and the organised private sector, listening carefully and adjusting policies accordingly.

As Olayinka Akintunde, a former Economic Confidential editor, told me, this proactive engagement built trust: Adedeji demystified the tax reforms, showing that reform was about creating a fair, transparent, and efficient system, not imposing burdens.

Adedeji also recognised that taxation cannot thrive without security. For businesses to operate and taxpayers to comply, stability is essential. This understanding informed his outreach to the military and security agencies. His meetings with Chief of Defence Staff General Chris Musa and other security chiefs underscored the need for safe environments where businesses and taxable activities can flourish.

Equally strategic was his collaboration with the Nigeria Customs Service (NCS) under Comptroller General Bashir Adewale Adeniyi. Since customs duties, levies, and trade operations are integral to revenue administration, harmonising FIRS and NCS functions became indispensable. Adedejis push for alignment was aimed at eliminating duplication, facilitating trade, and boosting efficiency at the borders.

What sets Adedeji apart is his rare ability to act as a bridge builder. He connects policymakers and businesses, revenue authorities and enforcement agencies, government and citizens. In an era of economic hardship and widespread distrust of government, this bridging role is invaluable. He demonstrates that engagement is not weakness but strength, and that sustainable reform comes from consensus, not coercion.

With the tax bills now signed into law by President Tinubu, Adedejis journey enters a new phase. He understands that the real test of reform lies not in passage but in implementation. Tax policies, no matter how well designed, fail if they are not understood, accepted, and supported by stakeholders. This is why he continues to prioritise dialogue and collaboration.He is proving that Nigerias revenue future rests not only on bold policies but also on leaders who can build bridges across divides and inspire collective ownership of reforms.

By January 2026, the outcomes of Zacch Adedeji’s leadership will begin to unfoldthrough wider acceptance of reforms, higher compliance rates, sustained institutional cooperation, and improved revenue generation. If his bridge-building strategy holds, even reluctant businesses will gradually embrace compliance.

Yushau A. Shuaib
Author of “A Dozen Tips for Media Relations”
yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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NNPC Maikanti baru, Muhammadu Buhari, Emmanuel kachikwu

Due Process: Between Security Votes and Oil Contracts
By Yushau A. Shuaib

Successive administrations in Nigeria, including the current one claim to promote transparency and accountability by following due process in financial dealings and public procurements. Nevertheless, governments at all levels avoid strict compliance with standard norms and regulations when actions are taken for both economic and political exigencies.

The confusion and power struggle between the then President Olusegun Obasanjo and erstwhile Vice President Atiku Abubakar, though political, were fuelled on allegations of non-compliance to due process over activities of agencies under the purview of Atiku, including PTDF. Court cases afterwards merely favoured the former Vice President.

Every tier of government engages in financial dealing outside the legal requirement using different nomenclatures and suspicious regulations to justify the indiscretions. For instance, a security vote is one of the conduit pipes used by various top public officers to avoid being accountable to anyone. Even the Public Procurement law provides exceptions to disclosures on sensitive security issues and requirements.

During the previous administration, not only President Goodluck Jonathan, but most governors used security votes extensively for security and other various activities including funding of political campaigns.

In the recently published book “An Encounter with the Spymaster,” this writer disclosed categorically that “the movement of large cash in local and foreign currencies by the two major political parties, APC and PDP, to win primaries and general elections in 2015 were discovered by security and anti-corruption agencies but tactically suppressed to avoid embarrassing outcries that could tarnish the electoral processes and rubbish the image of the country. Few senior journalists, especially some members of Faculty of Bureau Chiefs and Editors where a highly respected investigative Editor, Yusuf Alli is the Dean, are aware of some of the details and culpability of the parties.”

Therefore, at the national level, one of the major institutions that have been indirectly involved in funding sensitive and classified operations whether for security or other exigencies is the Nigeria National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC). The media trial and court cases against the former Minister of Petroleum, Diezani Alison-Madueke on allegations levelled against her by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) are clear examples.

The fear of past incident recently reared its ugly head as the current Petroleum Minister of State, Dr. Emmanuel Ibe Kachikwu in a memo leaked to the media, informed President Muhammadu Buhari that the Group Managing Director (GMD) of NNPC, Mr Maikanti Baru, was disrespectful to him. He also allegedly accused the NNPC boss of awarding contracts worth over $25bn without the approval of the board of the corporation.

The contents of the memo are not only embarrassing but damning because it would easily rubbish the integrity of the current administration of President Muhammadu Buhari and its hyped anti-corruption campaigns.

While the two men on the brawl, Kachikwu and Baru are first class materials in all sense from their academic accomplishments as well as their experiences in the oil sector, there seem to be missing narratives on the altercation.

Apart from the allegations of insubordination, lopsided appointments and awards of contracts without the consent of NNPC board by Dr. Baru, there are also documents seen by Economic Confidential indicating that the Act setting up the Corporation, statutorily mandates the GMD to report directly to the Substantive Minister of Petroleum Resources, which in this case, is President Muhammadu Buhari.

Another document, a correspondence from Bureau of Public Procurement (BPP) to the NNPC dated June 26, 2015 states in part that: “The [NNPC] Governing Board is responsible for approval of the work programmes, corporate contract plans and budget while the [NNPC] Tenders Board is responsible for approval of day to day procurement implementation.”

Since the emergence of President Buhari, appointments of top Group Executive Directors (GED) were made by Kachikwu. An online platform, DailyNigerian, reports that “Among the seven Chief Operating Officers (COO/GEDs) currently working under Baru, five were actually appointed by Dr Kachikwu, three of whom came along with him from the International Oil Companies (IOCs).”

Mr Kachikwu actually brought in Babatunde Adeniran (COO Ventures), Anibor Kragha (COO Refineries) and Henry Ikem-Obih (COO Downstream) from outside while Isa Inuwa (COO Corporate Services) and Bello Rabiu were sourced from within. Chidi Momah, who is still Secretary of the Corporation, was also hired by Mr Kachikwu.

While the majority of top officers appointed into NNPC by Kachikwu during his days as the GMD are from Southern Nigeria, Baru is alleged to have done the same by ensuring that his recent reorganisation of the management staff of the oil corporation favours the North.

When this writer wrote an article on a disagreement between Kachikwu and current Minister of Transport, Rotimi Amaechi (Link: https://goo.gl/V1cMjM) over projects in NigerDelta, the Petroleum Minister of State should have since realised that in an intense political clime, one must tread consciously and cautiously. Attempts to crucify Maikanti Baru over some alleged decisions in NNPC may not likely fly because it would seem to be an attack against the Presidency. Media reports so far have indicated that Dr. Baru is reputed to have unfettered access to the substantive Petroleum Minister who is President and commander in chief than most cabinet members. It could, therefore, be extremely difficult for the GMD NNPC to have taken any unilateral decision without the consent and authorization from the highest office in the land. Whether the actions taken are right or wrong only the court can determine.

Meanwhile, in an exigency, due process can be ignored to justify the Machiavellian principle of “the ends justify the means” on security votes and oil contracts for national interests.

Yushau A. Shuaib
www.YAShuaib.com
yashuaib@yahoo.com

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While Crisis Management and Reputation Management are Public Relations functions, Conflict Management is another process of limiting the negative aspects of conflicts while increasing the positive aspects.

An interesting feature of President Muhammadu Buhari’s cabinet and in fact his ruling party, All Progressives Congress (APC) is the amalgamation of good fighters and good managers.

The fighting skills as well as managerial expertise of some of the members catapulted the party to victory in the last general elections. For instance, Rotimi Amaechi aided the emergence of the Buhari government when he successfully initiated a fight, as the Governor of Rivers State, against President Goodluck Jonathan. He tactically joined forces with other members of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), including Senator Bukola Saraki of the National Assembly and Governor Rabiu Kwankwaso of Kano State among others in fighting the government. This helped to bring PDP down to its knee after 16 years as the ruling party.

Rotimi Amaechi, even as the current Transport Minister has never stopped been a good fighter. He recently took on his counterpart, Petroleum Minister of State, Dr. Ibe Kachikwu on Niger Delta issue. The two Ministers are the unique faces of good fighters and managers in the Buhari administration. While Amaechi, as a politician believes in taking decisive actions on critical issues, Kachikwu is an advocate of managing any issue to a logical conclusion rather than through confrontations.

At a recent Federal Government Town-Hall meeting at Uyo in Akwa Ibom State, Amaechi defended the decision of the Muhammadu Buhari administration to scrap the Maritime University project on the ground that the previous administration of Goodluck Jonathan had paid too much to acquire a land for the university.

Describing the project as a “misplacement of priority”, Amaechi said: “My argument about Okerenkoko is that the land alone is N13 billion. If you give me N13 billion, I will buy half of Lagos. That N13 billion has built the university already.”

He added that anti-corruption agencies should be mandated to recover the N13 billion already paid for the land, then he would build the university for the Niger Delta region.

Like a bull in China shop, Kachikwu rose to defend the university project adding that he would source for the money to complete the project.

Kachikwu said; “I disagree with the Minister of Transport. Any facility that is located in the South-South we should work closely to develop it. I don’t care the circumstances under which you are placed. It’s not in my position to determine whether land was valued at N3 billion or N10 billion. The appropriate institution, which is at the costing system, will determine that. That has nothing to do with development of infrastructure. And as far as I know, so much has already gone into the university.”

The drama must have generated heated debates but the great lesson is that we can fight some of the time to win but we should also devise ways of managing victory. Skilled managers rather than good fighters are required for political stability and economic growth.

Amaechi started his political fighting from the University of Port Harcourt, when he fought his way to become the President of the National Union of Rivers State Students (NURSS) after fighting for students’ rights. After his graduation, he joined Pamo Clinics and Hospitals Limited owned by Dr. Peter Odili, his political godfather who became Governor of Rivers State and facilitated Amaechi’s election into the Rivers State House of Assembly where he emerged the Speaker in 1999. Their harmonious relationship was truncated when Amaechi launched a campaign against the State government, and fought Odili in an effort to succeed him as Governor in 2007. When his name was substituted as winner of PDP’s primaries for Rivers Gubernatorial election that year, Amaechi fought his way to the Supreme Court where he was pronounced the rightful candidate of the party and became the Governor on 26 October 2007. He was re-elected for a second term of four years in April 2011 with less fight.

Meanwhile, Dr. Kachikwu has never been a typical Nigerian politician who can fight his way to power and reckoning. He is an outstanding manager who has proved his worth in the media, academics and corporate world. Apart from bagging a first class degree in Law from the University of Nigeria, Nsukka and Nigerian Law School with multiple awards, he also obtained outstanding Masters and Doctorate Degree in Law from Harvard University. He had worked with the Nigerian/American Merchant Bank, Texaco Nigeria Limited from where he joined Exxon-Mobil where he rose to the position of Executive Vice Chairman and General Counsel of Exxon Mobil(Africa).

Apart from his deep involvement in the politics of Niger Delta, Amaechi as Transport Minister has succeeded in the extension of rail lines across Nigeria and the completion of ongoing rail projects initiated by the previous administration, especially the Abuja-Kaduna route that is likely to be commissioned in July 2016 by President Muhammadu Buhari.

Meanwhile Kachikwu as Petroleum Minister and GMD NNPC was able to cut operational losses, deregulate the downstream sector, initiate a creative means of meeting the Joint Venture (JV) contributions and ensuring prompt payments of revenue to the federation account among others.

Kachikwu’s endorsement of first class engineer and thoroughbred bureaucrat, Dr. Maikanti Baru, as the new Group Managing Director of NNPC, is quite encouraging as the Minister now chair the NNPC Board of Trustees to oversee the complex oil sector and undertake critical consultations with stakeholders towards political and economic stability.

While we urge the fighters and managers in the cabinet of President Buhari to work closely and collectively towards political stability, national security and economic advancement, they should limit the negative aspects of their conflict and increase the positive aspects of the struggle. What Nigerians want now is more focus in managing the economy and security situations rather than in-fighting and internal-agency rivalry.

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