When the Presidential Spokesman, Bayo Onanuga, announced that President Bola Tinubu had constituted an eleven‑man committee to develop a National Threat Assessment and a Strategic Defence Operations Plan within ninety days, several things struck me with about four months to the general elections even before I reached the substance of the directive.

The first was a detail so small it might ordinarily escape notice. The release identified Major General Adeyinka A. Famadewa, the Presidents Special Adviser on Homeland Security being tasked to coordinate the committee and provide secretariat support. His name appeared without the designation Rtd retired after his military rank. In routine communication, such an omission may be a harmless editorial slip. But in security communication, precision is not a luxury; it is a discipline.

The substance of the directive, however, is consequential. The President has mandated the committee to produce the plan that will establish medium‑term operational priorities by identifying force requirements, capability gaps, and equipment needs across all theatres.

The committees membership is composed of named individuals, not offices a significant distinction. It includes the National Security Adviser, Malam Nuhu Ribadu; the Minister of Defence, General Christopher Musa; the Minister of State for Defence, Alhaji Bello Muhammad Matawalle; the Chief of Defence Staff, General Olufemi Oluyede; the service chiefs; and the heads of the DSS and NIA. Naming individuals rather than offices removes the flexibility of substitution and attaches personal accountability to the mandate. That means the meeting with not be by representation or delegation.

Yet the composition raises legitimate questions the release did not address. The Inspector General of Police and the Chief of Defence Intelligence are absent. So are the heads of the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps and the Nigeria Immigration Service. Whether these omissions reflect a deliberate architectural choice or an oversight is unclear. But in a country where internal security, public order, and counter‑insurgency rely heavily on policing and civil defence structures, their absence is not a trivial matter.

The release cited a single operational event the rescue of pupils and teachers abducted in Oriire LGA of Oyo State as justification for the new initiative. The rescue was indeed commendable. But anchoring a national‑level defence planning directive on one successful southern operation inadvertently reinforces the asymmetry in how security successes across Nigerias regions are framed. Comparable and often larger rescue operations in the North‑East and North‑West from freeing abducted students to reclaiming communities from insurgents have received far less national attention.

Nigeria is not a country that lacks security strategy documents. If anything, it has produced them in abundance. The ninety‑day mandate would benefit from an honest reckoning with what already exists and what became of it.

In 2013, under President Goodluck Jonathan, Nigeria launched a comprehensive national security architecture built on three interconnected documents: the National Counter Terrorism Strategy (NACTEST), the National Security Strategy (NSS) and the National Cybersecurity Policy and Strategy.

NACTEST, initiated by NSA Colonel Sambo Dasuki (Rtd), rested on five pillars Forestall, Secure, Identify, Prepare, and Implement and mandated periodic reviews every five to ten years.

Under President Muhammadu Buhari, the Office of the National Security Adviser, led by Major General Babagana Monguno (Rtd), revised the framework of NACTEST and launched the National Crisis Management Doctrine (NCMD) in 2022. The NCMD translated broad policy directives into concrete crisis protocols, establishing standardised command structures, strategic communication channels, and escalation pathways for coordinated national response.

Under the current administration, the Office of the National Security Adviser unveiled the NCTC Strategic Plan 20252030, a five‑year roadmap for preventing and countering violent extremism built on intelligence fusion, inter‑agency collaboration, operational capacity building, and strategic communications. It was unveiled in November 2025 by Senate President Godswill Akpabio on behalf of President Tinubu, while NCTC Cordinator Major General Adamu Garba Laka represented Ribadu at the occasion.

The logical question the ninety‑day committee must answer before drafting a single page is simple: What is the relationship between its new mandate and the frameworks that already exist? Is the new Strategic Defence Operations Plan intended to replace NACTEST, the NCMD, and the NCTC Strategic Plan? Will it sit alongside them? Is it a military‑specific operational layer beneath the broader national security architecture? If so, how will coordination be ensured?

Onanugas release contains a paragraph that deserves particular attention. It states that once approved, the proposed plan would serve as the principal framework for coordinating military and defence operations over the medium term and would guide a multi‑year defence expenditure and procurement plan.

The emphasis on military and defence operations and spending rather than national security in the broader sense is telling. It may align with the committees composition, which is heavily weighted toward the armed services and intelligence agencies, and with the choice of a retired Major General Famadewa as coordinator rather than the NSA, whose remit covers the entire national security spectrum.

Ribadus background is in civilian law enforcement he retired as an Assistant Inspector General of Police before his distinguished career at the EFCC and in politics. His placement as a member rather than coordinator reflects a committee architecture that is primarily military in orientation. Whether this orientation is appropriate for Nigerias diverse security challenges from economic crime and banditry to coastal piracy and electoral violence is a legitimate question for scholars and policymakers.

The most consequential paragraph in the release is the one that received the least attention. It notes that the proposed framework will guide multi‑year defence expenditure, ensuring resources are directed toward agreed operational priorities. That is funding and funding is where seriousness is ultimately tested.

Nigeria has a long history of producing sophisticated security strategy documents that were quietly shelved once the budget cycle arrived and political priorities shifted. The question now is whether the new plan will emphasise expenditure more than operational efficiency and whether it will avoid becoming another well‑written document without practical impact.

A ninety‑day planning exercise can produce a credible framework, but it must be backed by a realistic, legislatively supported multi‑year funding commitment. It should not demand excessive new spending, especially at a time when the country continues to borrow heavily for major capital projects.

In the concluding paragraph of the release, the President tasked not individual officers but the Office of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation (OSGF) and the Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA) to give immediate effect to the directive. Their compliance and the quality of output from the committees named members will define the next ninety days.

With the general election approaching, the ninety days will tell us much, while the budget will tell us the rest.

Yushau A. Shuaib is the author of “MNI Versus MNIPR in NIPSS- Tackling institutional Bullying” yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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When I met her, I simply remarked that such an incident was not reflective of our culture, and she laughed it off with grace.

When I received the invitation to speak on crisis communication at the 20th International PR Congress in Lagos and learned that Esther Cobbah, the first African President of the International Public Relations Association, would also be in attendance I was genuinely excited. The annual Congress is far more than another conference; it is a gathering of senior public relations practitioners, academics, institutional leaders, and communication strategists, a forum where emerging professional practices are interrogated and excellence is celebrated.

For me, it was also an opportunity to share practical lessons and present my recent publications, including a research on AI in crisis communication within Nigerias public sector.

My schedule was tight. I planned to return to Abuja the next day to prepare for the National Spokespersons Awards and the Economic Confidential Annual Lecture. Yet, beyond professional duty, the journey carried a personal significance.

My participation at the Congress was made possible through the generous hospitality of a man whose contributions to public relations in Nigeria and Africa remain extraordinary Mazi Mike Okereke, President of BEEC International and Director of The Management School, London. He personally provided my return flight ticket and accommodation in Lagos.

That gesture is typical of a man who has spent decades opening professional doors for others. He was a gateway to international professional exposure. Through his programmes including the International School of Public Relations in London, he did not merely gain access to international platforms; he opened those doors for others. In my own case, Mazi Okereke recommended my nomination for membership of the then Institute of Public Relations (now CIPR) in the United Kingdom, as well as IPRA in the 1990s. Those relationships contributed to my career and continue to influence my work especially on crisis Communication.

His institutional footprints are equally remarkable. He served as President of the Nigerian Institute of Public Relations (NIPR) and the African Public Relations Association (APRA), while also holding leadership roles within the Nigerian Institute of Management and IPRA. Through these platforms, he projected Nigerian public relations practice beyond our borders.

The 20th International PR Congress is itself a testament to his persistence and vision. Sustaining such a gathering for twenty editions across shifting governments, economic uncertainties, and institutional challenges in African countries requires conviction, not just resources. It was therefore natural to be enthusiastic about attending this milestone edition.

Then came the morning of August 11, 2026 a day when a crisis communicator encountered a crisis firsthand. Arriving at the Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport at 6:30 a.m., two hours ahead of my scheduled Air Peace flight, I found the entrance gates padlocked, the departure hall deserted, and no official notification explaining what had happened or what would happen next.

In my luggage were copies of my publications on crisis communication the very subject I was travelling to discuss. Yet there I stood, books unopened, while stranded passengers milled around the forecourt without seating, information, or officials who could provide clarity.

The irony was not lost on me. Organised labour and major aviation unions had moved to enforce industrial action. Airline counters were inaccessible, gates sealed, check‑in suspended, and airline personnel unable to perform their duties.

Ironically, posters displayed around the entrance communicated the unions grievances more effectively than the airlines communicated with their own passengers.

The issues behind the dispute were not trivial they involved workers rights to unionise and disagreements over statutory financial obligations within the aviation sector. Yet, on a personal level, I frown at actions that jeopardise indigenous businesses and undermine the sacrifices of local investors sustaining our aviation industry.

But the strike exposed a deeper systemic failure: a breakdown in passenger communication. These were people who had purchased tickets, rearranged schedules, left their homes early, travelled to the airport only to discover at the gate that the services they paid for were unavailable.

In crisis communication, one basic principle applies: stakeholders should never learn about a crisis directly affecting them from a padlocked gate.

When I later checked my booking status, my flight appeared on the system but was marked as a past flight, with no option to check in and no explanation. A simple notification would have saved me the dawn trip to the airport.

Customer service channels, overwhelmed by distressed passengers, became unreachable precisely when they were needed most. That was the moment an industrial dispute turned into a communication crisis.

Information about a potential shutdown usually exists within the system long before the first gate is locked. The real question is who ensures that such information reaches passengers promptly. Crisis communication is anticipatory providing timely, credible updates that help stakeholders make informed decisions before the full impact hits them.

Missing the milestone PR Congress and the chance to honour a professional elder who shaped my international exposure would have been deeply disappointing. After nearly six hours without resolution, I booked a later ValueJet flight at almost twice my original fare, simply to secure a realistic chance of reaching Lagos.

Yet my personal inconvenience the wasted hours, extra costs, and disrupted itinerary was secondary to the larger institutional lesson. Some stranded passengers may have had international connections, medical appointments, examinations, interviews, funerals, weddings, court appearances, or business meetings. Disruptions may sometimes be unavoidable, but silence should never be.

Modern aviation possesses the infrastructure for automated alerts, real‑time updates, and coordinated communication. What is required is preparedness, coordination, and respect for passengers.

As I finally landed in Lagos, I resolved that my experience at the Abuja airport would become part of my presentation at the PR Congress. After all, the most memorable lessons in crisis communication are rarely found in textbooks or PowerPoint slides. They unfold before us in real time, among real people, with real consequences.

After my presentation with the aviation strike as my case study I learned that Esther Cobbahs flight from Ghana had also been affected. She arrived much later than scheduled, only to discover that her baggage had not arrived with the airline. It was an unnecessary ordeal for a distinguished guest.

When I met her, I simply remarked that such an incident was not reflective of our culture, and she laughed it off with grace. And on this occasion, the lesson was unmistakable: a crisis may be unavoidable, but communication failure is not.

Yushau A. Shuaib, Author of “Crisis Communication Strategies” and “MNI Versus MNIPR in NIPSS” www.YAShuaib.com

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After the bishops recent closed‑door meeting with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Cardinal John Onaiyekan made a striking claim: that presidential aides are shielding the President from the true suffering in the country, presenting a false rosy picture, and that Tinubu already appears desperate about winning the 2027 election.

As a writer and observer of governance, I share that concern. A president who controls the instruments of state, commands a united party, and faces a divided opposition has little rational cause for electoral anxiety unless overzealous handlers are manufacturing threats where few exist.

The question therefore deserves to be asked plainly: what exactly is President Bola Ahmed Tinubu afraid of?

The EFCCs freezing of the Osun State Governments accounts barely a week before the governorship election citing a court order later reversed by the President himself was not merely a legal misstep. It was a political signal of ‘over‑sabi’ that familiar Yoruba expression for excessive, misdirected overzealousness gone disastrously wrong. It also raised a question that goes beyond Osuns finances and cuts to the heart of governance in Abuja: are these the deliberate choices of a confident presidency, or the panicked manoeuvres of handlers who have convinced the President that 2027 is a battle he might lose?

Because by any honest reading of Nigerias political landscape, the evidence for such fear is astonishingly thin.

Tinubu enters the 2027 cycle with structural advantages unmatched in recent democratic history.

He controls the executive machinery of the Federal Government with unusual cohesion. The CBN and NRS, custodians of the national treasury and revenue and the full architecture of anti‑corruption agencies operate within a presidency facing no internal rebellion. The security services police, DSS, and the military answer to the Commander‑in‑Chief. INEC operates within a constitutional framework that any well‑resourced incumbent can navigate with relative ease.

Why should he entertain fear? His party, the APC, has absorbed opposition defections at a rate that has reshaped the electoral map. Several governors elected on opposition platforms in 2023 have since crossed over, weakening the institutional backbone of any credible challenge. The PDP, Labour Party, and other formations remain fractured much like 2023, when the split between Atiku Abubakar, Peter Obi, and Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso arguably delivered the presidency to Tinubu on the platter of gold. Has he forgotten that blessing in disguise?

Tinubu won the 2023 election under conditions far more hostile than anything he faces today. President Muhammadu Buhari was not enthusiastic about his candidacy. Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, Senate President Ahmed Lawan, ministers, and other APC heavyweights were either rivals or reluctant supporters. Yet Tinubu prevailed.

He now enters 2027 with those internal rivals neutralised and with the incumbency advantage he lacked in 2023.
So why are his handlers suddenly desperate even flirting with anti‑democratic impulses?

Should a president who survived 2023s turbulence now need anti‑corruption agencies freezing a states accounts one week before an election to prove loyalty?

Governance under Tinubu is mixed but not devoid of genuine achievements. Abuja, under the politically abrasive but undeniably effective Nyesom Wike, has witnessed accelerated infrastructural development: roads, housing schemes, and urban renewal projects visible to anyone who drives through the city. One may dislike his crude politics, but his performance as minister rivals the El‑Rufai era. Had these and other ministerial achievements been properly documented and consistently communicated, wouldnt they have formed a persuasive counter‑narrative to critics?

The Ministry of Information and National Orientation has also done strategic work in countering the internationally amplified Christian genocide narrative a framing that ignored the Muslim communities devastated by banditry and terrorism in the North‑West and North‑East. Doesnt the lobbying that produced a more balanced posture from Washington including under President Donald Trump reflect a sophistication in foreign‑policy communication that deserves amplification?

The administration has increased military remuneration, strengthening loyalty to civilian command. The foiling of a reported coup attempt further consolidates military alignment with the presidency.Do these achievements justify political panic?

One under‑analysed dimension of Tinubus political arithmetic is the legacy of the MuslimMuslim ticket. The TinubuShettima pairing was controversial in 2023, with critics warning it would alienate Christian voters. Yet, paradoxically after the victory, the administration has appointed Christian technocrats to some of the most economically sensitive ministries and key security portfolios alongside many Yoruba appointees. Whether by design or necessity, hasnt the MuslimMuslim ticket ended up delivering significant Christian representation at the apex of federal governance?

Retaining Shettima for 2027 follows the same logic: consolidate the Muslim North especially the core North that delivered decisive margins while Christian appointments counterbalance the optics. It is a defensible strategy. But doesnt it require sophisticated communication which has not always been forthcoming?

Back to Osun: The real danger. The EFCCs freezing of Osuns accounts days before an election was legally arguable but politically indefensible. The timing made it impossible to interpret as anything other than partisan interference. The President‑ordered reversal after the alleged court order only confirmed what the optics had already declared.

The damage is not to Governor Ademola Adeleke or the opposition party. The damage is to President Tinubu. It invites the central question every overzealous enforcement action provokes: did the President authorise this and other similar actions, including judicial manoeuvres?

If yes, it suggests a president anxious about 2027 despite overwhelming structural advantages or one willing to compromise institutional integrity for marginal electoral gain. If no, it suggests something equally dangerous: that agencies are acting in his name without his knowledge, and that the presidency is unable to control institutions under its authority.

Neither interpretation flatters the presidency. Both are politically corrosive.

Nigeria has seen this pattern before. Weaponising anti‑corruption agencies does not strengthen incumbents. It delegitimises institutions, hardens opposition resolve, generates sympathy for targeted figures, and provides ammunition to international observers already sceptical of Nigerias democratic governance.

Does the arithmetic of intimidation ever favour the intimidator?

Tinubu is not a political novice. He is one of the most strategically sophisticated political minds Nigeria has produced. The Lagos model whatever its imperfections demonstrates his ability to build and sustain political structures over decades.

Which makes the question more urgent: who is advising him that these manoeuvres are necessary? Are they genuinely trying to secure his re‑election?
Or are some exploiting his perceived anxiety for their own selfish interests?

Because the greatest threat to a Tinubu second term is not Atiku Abubakar, Peter Obi, or Kwankwaso. It is the growing perception that a confident presidency is behaving like one that is not.

Yushau A. Shuaib is the author of “MNI Versus MNIPR in NIPSS” on Tackling institutional Bullying. yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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By Yushau A. Shuaib

Ahmed Balarabe Saids new book Arent We All PR People? is one of those rare works that immediately announce themselves as more than textbooks. It is a field guide, a mentor in print, and a career compass for anyone stepping into the demanding but rewarding world of Public Relations. After carefully reviewing the book, I am genuinely temptedwithout any flatteryto call it the definitive PR career guide for emerging communicators. It is a standout resource that sets a new benchmark for the field.

Balarabe, a Mass Communication graduate of Bayero University Kano (BUK) more than two decades ago, is not merely a communication scholar; he is a true PR professional in every sense of the wordfar beyond regulatory certification. Calling him a practitioner feels almost inadequate because he breathes, speaks, writes, and conducts himself with the instinctive discipline of someone who genuinely lives and promotes Public Relations through his relationships, engagements, and professional ethos.

What makes this book remarkable is not only its breadth but its narrative style. Balarabe writes with a clarity that demystifies PR practice and a warmth that draws readers into the professions human side. His storytelling approach, just like my recently released memoir “MNI Versus MNIPR in NIPSS,” creates curiosity, making even foundational principles feel fresh and urgent. For budding communicators who often encounter PR as abstract theory, this book offers something different: a vivid, practical, and relatable journey into the craft.

Several chapters carry uniquely crafted titles that immediately spark curiosity and offer clear glimpses into their thematic direction. Chapter One, From Ancient Rhetoric to Digital Dialogue, sets the tone by tracing the evolution of communication from classical persuasion to todays fast‑paced digital exchanges. Other standout chaptersA Constellation of Concepts, Professionalising the Practice, That Good PR Practitioner, A Universe of Opportunities, Some of Your Mentors, Ethical Traps and Hidden Dangers, You and AI, and PR Shotspresent their subjects with clarity and creative framing. PR Shots, in particular, is an engaging compilation of short, sharp professional posts originally shared on social media, now curated into a chapter that reads like a pocket guide for daily practice. The final chapter, which foregrounds the emerging role of Public Relations in Nigerias national project, provides a thoughtful and forward‑looking conclusionpositioning PR not just as a profession but as a strategic pillar in nation‑building.

The book succeeds on multiple fronts. First, it bridges the gap between theory and practice. Many PR texts lean heavily on academic frameworks, leaving young practitioners unsure how to apply them in real‑world situations. Balarabe flips that script. He grounds every concept in lived experiencecrisis moments, ethical dilemmas, communication landmines, and the subtle art of managing reputation. The result is a book that teaches not only what PR is but how PR is done.

Second, the book is structured to guide readers through the profession with increasing depth. From foundational ethics to the anatomy of a good practitioner, from crisis communication to the evolving role of AI, each chapter builds on the last with intentional clarity. The inclusion of real personalitiesrole models whose careers illuminate different pathways in the fieldadds a human dimension that young readers will find both inspiring and instructive.

Third, Balarabe demonstrates a rare courage in addressing contemporary issues. His challenge to the Nigerian Institute of Public Relations (NIPR) on the absence of AI regulation is bold and necessary. His exploration of digital crises, misinformation, and emerging technologies shows a practitioner who understands that PR is evolving rapidlyand that the next generation must be prepared for a landscape far more complex than what existed a decade ago.

The book also shines in its treatment of ethics. Balarabe does not present ethics as a checklist but as the backbone of professional credibility. His insistence that ethical grounding must precede technical skill is a message young communicators urgently need. In a world where speed often competes with accuracy, and visibility competes with integrity, this emphasis is both timely and timeless.

One of the books strongest features is its use of narrative to teach principles. Balarabes storiesof practitioners, crises, institutions, and turning pointsare not decorative. They are instructional. They show how PR works in real life, how reputations are built and broken, and how communicators must think, act, and adapt. This narrative approach makes the book accessible without sacrificing depth.

The book is also refreshingly honest. It does not romanticise the profession. It acknowledges the pressures, the politics, the ethical crossroads, and the emotional labour involved in communication work. Yet it balances this realism with optimism, reminding readers that PR remains one of the most impactful careers for those who master its principles.

For emerging communicators, this book will serve as a mentor. For educators, it will be a teaching companion. For practitioners, it will be a reminder of the disciplines core values. And for the profession at large, it will be a contribution that strengthens the intellectual and practical foundation of PR in Nigeria.

In my sincere assessment, this book is more than a guide. It is a benchmark. A resource that will inspire, instruct, and challenge. A book that emerging communicators will return to repeatedly as they navigate their careers.

And truly, Arent We All PR People is a book our profession has been waiting for.

Yushau A. Shuaib, Award‑Winning PR Practitioner, is the author of MNI Versus MNIPR in NIPSS- Tackling Institutional Bullying yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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When a sponsored attack song backfires, it reveals everything about the sponsors and nothing damaging about the target.

A brief disclosure is necessary before I proceed. In December 2018, Jamilu Gwamna then Managing Director of the Kano Electricity Distribution Company (KEDCO) personally approved the removal and reinstallation of electric poles to support the expansion of the PRNigeria Centre in Kano. That gesture of institutional goodwill remains unforgettable. His spokesperson, Ibrahim Shawai, who still serves in that role today, has also been a long standing professional colleague. I state this up front because transparency about relationships is the foundation of credible commentary, and what I am about to say directly touches on the political contest in which Gwamna is now a participant.

I must also clarify my relationship with Isa Ali Pantami. I have closely monitored the evolution of Nigerias digital economy ecosystem since his days as Director General of NITDA and throughout his tenure as Minister of Communications and Digital Economy. That monitoring led to active promotion of legitimate achievements and a sustained effort to counter malicious narratives directed at him. It also resulted in a book documenting his trials and triumphs. My engagement with Pantami has always been based strictly on public service record nothing more, nothing less.

For more than two years, Pantami has openly signalled his intention to contest the governorship of Gombe State. There were early indications that Governor Muhammadu Inuwa Yahaya might not remain neutral in the APC primary. I raised this concern with the Governors spokesperson, Ismaila Misilli, during the launch of Pantamis books in Abuja in January 2024. Misilli consistently reassured me that the Governor would be fair to all aspirants.

When Shawai later informed me that Jamilu Gwamna would also be contesting after securing the APC ticket, I did what fairness required: I told him directly that any press release or material his candidate issued would be published on our platforms at no cost the same courtesy extended to Pantami, who had paid his dues in national service. Equity demanded nothing less.
This week, precisely last Thursdays evening after Shawai discussed a release and a new photograph of his candidate with me which we published immediately a video began circulating less than twenty four hours later.

In it, APC Hausa praise singer Kahutu Rarara did not merely criticise Pantami; he accused him of drug addiction, alleged corruption, and issued thinly veiled threats of referral to anti corruption agencies. He then, in the same breath, lavished praise on Jamilu Gwamna, the APC governorship candidate. The sponsorship was not implied. It was announced.

The response was swift, fierce, and deeply instructive. Clerics who had previously criticised Pantami came out in his defence. Scholars who had held reservations issued statements of solidarity. Politicians in opposing camps expressed sympathy. Social media influencers with no particular allegiance condemned Rarara in terms sharper than anything he had directed at his target. Without spending a kobo or uttering a word in his own defence, Pantami gained more followers, more sympathisers, and more vocal supporters in forty eight hours than any conventional campaign event could have delivered.

The attack produced the exact opposite of its intended effect. This is not a coincidence. It is a textbook case of demarketing by incompetence a lesson written in real time for anyone willing to read it.

I have made this point repeatedly in professional settings, and it bears restating with the specificity this episode demands. There is a fundamental difference between publicity, where noise and trend matter, and public relations, where substance and credibility matter. Many politicians and campaign managers behave as though the two are interchangeable assuming that anyone with a large audience or a talent for generating noise is automatically a useful campaign instrument. This is a costly error.

Publicity measures reach and volume. Public relations measures credibility and consequence.
A praise singer with hundreds of thousands of followers can generate trend after trend, but if his credibility is already compromised, every trend he generates carries the stench of that compromise. The audience does not simply receive the message; it filters it through what it already knows about the messenger. When a campaign instrument is perceived as mercenary, every message it carries is contaminated.

Kahutu Rarara is not an artist in the tradition of musicians who use their platforms to advocate justice or accountability. He is, by his own pattern, a hired tongue available to praise whoever pays and to attack whoever his current patron designates. He has performed this function against former Kano Governors Ibrahim Shekarau and Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, among others. In each case, those he vilified were, in other seasons, recipients of his flattery when patronage flowed in their direction. Nigerians are not unaware of this. His credibility as an independent voice is precisely zero. That is why there can be no basis for comparing a global musical icon like Davido with Rarara after their public clash in June 2026 over Nigerias kidnapping crisis.

Any campaign strategist who deployed him for this assignment either failed to conduct the most basic perception audit or conducted one and ignored it. Either way, the professional failure belongs to the architects of the strategy not to Rarara, who simply did what Rarara does.

While publicity chases attention, public relations earns trust. And the most damaging form of demarketing is when an opposition relies on a weak, hate-driven campaigner who resorts to ignorance, arrogance, and indecency. Such tactics almost always backfire, instantly boosting public sympathy and solidarity for the reputable competitor without them spending a single penny. That is exactly what we are witnessing in the case of Rararas attack song against Pantami.

Yushau A. Shuaib is the author of Pantami: Trials & Triumphs of a Digital Economy Maestro. Email: yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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Crisis communication teaches one hard truth: silence doesn’t calm a crisis; it fuels it. When leaders fail to engage, their silence is easily read as indifference. That was the uncomfortable impression some participants felt during the second day of the recent National Security Summit organised by the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ) in Abuja, where senior security officials were absent.

Were security chiefs concerned that journalists might demand answers about the persistent allegations linking illegal mining activities in bandit-prone areas to the financing of criminal networks? Could they have been uncomfortable addressing claims that some retired and serving security personnel have been implicated, directly or indirectly, in the worsening insecurity across the country?

Could they also have feared being asked whether the nation’s democratic authorities and security leadership possess the political will and operational latitude required to confront these monumental challenges, especially amid claims that some major financiers and sponsors are known yet remain untouchable?

And what about the resurgence of mass abductions and kidnappings, particularly in schools spreading beyond their traditional epicentres, raising concerns about whether these attacks are being orchestrated for political motives or illicit financial gain?

While there may be no evidence to support such suspicions, insecurity thrives in the shadows where transparency is absent. The summit, themed “Media and Security Agencies as Partners in Nation Building,” was conceived as a platform to foster understanding between two institutions whose responsibilities frequently intersect: the media and the security services.

The opening day was impressive. It drew a diverse audience of journalists, academics, communication specialists, development partners, security personnel, and government officials. The Minister of Information and National Orientation, Malam Mohammed Idris Malagi, was the most senior figure in attendance, adding weight to the proceedings. Discussions focused on strategic communication, responsible journalism, national security, and the importance of collaboration in addressing Nigeria’s complex security challenges.

However, the second day, which was designed as the technical session devoted specifically to national security issues, presented a different picture. The security chiefs whose institutions were central to the conversation were conspicuously absent. More disappointing was the fact that many of them were neither physically present nor represented.

Ironically, the discussions that day could have benefited enormously from their participation. The keynote speaker, Mr. Musikilu Mojeed, President of the International Press Institute (IPI) Nigeria, delivered a well-researched paper on the delicate relationship between the media and security institutions. He examined several historical and contemporary cases that highlighted tensions, misunderstandings, and occasional confrontations between journalists and security agencies.

During his presentation, he referenced the controversial 2014 incident in which security operatives intercepted newspaper distribution vehicles, an episode that drew widespread criticism from media organisations and civil society groups.

What Mr. Mojeed perhaps did not know was that one of the principal actors in that period, former Director of Defence Information, Major General Chris Olukolade (rtd.), was quietly seated at the back of the hall with a former Director of Naval Information, Commodore Kabir Aliyu (rtd.). I was privileged to sit beside them as the presentation progressed.

General Olukolade, currently the Chairman of the Centre for Crisis Communication (CCC) is not known for reopening old controversies. In fact, he has consistently avoided public discussions about many military operations and sensitive decisions from previous eras. Yet, on this occasion, he felt compelled to provide clarification.

When given the microphone, he explained that at the time, during the administration of Goodluck Jonathan, security agencies were grappling with evolving terrorist tactics, including intelligence reports suggesting that insurgents were exploring unconventional methods of transporting weapons and logistics across the country.

More importantly, he revealed something that many critics may not have known: the security command later acknowledged public concerns over the incident and apologised. According to him, lessons were learned, and safeguards were introduced to ensure that such actions would not recur. He added that dialogue often achieves what assumptions cannot.

To my surprise, I was also invited to the podium to contribute to the discussion on media-security relations. My intervention was modest. Rather than focusing on disagreements, I chose to highlight examples of productive collaboration between journalists and security agencies through the Forum of Spokespersons of Security and Response Agencies (FOSSRA), an initiative once chaired by General Olukolade and later by the late Major General Abubakar Rabe.

I remembered the professionalism of editors who placed national interest above sensational headlines. One notable example involved a senior editor of ThisDay Newspaper, Ms Ijeoma Nwogwugwu, who received a late-night request in June 2013 from military authorities regarding a specific word used in a report on insurgency operations. The concern was that publishing certain details could jeopardise an ongoing mission. After reviewing the implications, the newspaper agreed and made the adjustment. The operation was subsequently adjudged successful.

I also recalled my May 2014 visit to Premium Times’ headquarters after a report on an alleged mutiny by soldiers in Borno State. At the time, I passionately appealed to the newspaper’s leadership to consider replacing the word “mutiny” with “protest” because of the severe legal implications of mutiny under military law. While the then Managing Editor, Musikilu Mojeed, listened attentively and showed understanding, the story had already gained traction elsewhere. Eventually, some of the affected soldiers were convicted of mutiny.

Similarly, I recounted how Mallam Hamza Idris, then Daily Trust Bureau Chief in Borno in February 2015, filed what appeared to be a routine report. Security officials later raised concerns that the unpublished story, though harmless on the surface, could inadvertently expose troop movements and operational plans. After assessing the potential consequences, the editorial leadership of Weekend Daily Trust sacrificed what was scheduled to be a front-page lead in the interest of national security.

That same year, two Nigerian journalists working for foreign media were briefly detained in a Borno hotel, an action taken purely for their safety, though widely misinterpreted. During major anti‑insurgency operations, senior media executives were routinely briefed. And despite criticisms of Sahara Reporters’ style, its publisher, Omoyele Sowore, often showed genuine concern for national security. The then NGE President, Femi Adesina, and the Dean of Bureau Chiefs, Yusuf Alli, can attest to the trust and confidentiality that defined those engagements.

The cooperation between the media and security agencies, supported by broader inter‑agency coordination through FOSSRAhelped reduce conflict and contributed significantly to the recovery of dozens of towns from terrorist control ahead of the 2015 election. Although FOSSRA was last chaired by General Rabe before being abandoned under the Buhari administration, its strategic value was clear. Recognising this, NSA Malam Nuhu Ribadu pragmatically revived the mechanism with the Centre for Crisis Communication (CCC) as technical partner. Unfortunately, that effort was later undermined by unprofessional insiders whose motives remain questionable.

These examples demonstrate that the relationship between the media and security agencies has not always been characterised by hostility. There have been countless instances of cooperation, understanding, and mutual respect.

That is precisely why the absence of serving security chiefs from the second day of the summit was disappointing. The gathering offered a rare opportunity for frank conversations, confidence-building, and institutional learning. Meanwhile, the communiqu issued at the end of the two-day summit, signed by NUJ President Comrade Alhassan Yahaya Abdullahi, captured many of the concerns raised during the discussions. Most importantly, participants reaffirmed that national security and sustainable development depend on strong, transparent, and accountable partnerships among the media, security agencies, government institutions, and citizens.

It is expected that next time an invitation is extended, they will honour it, especially when it comes from a respected and trusted ally whose partnership is vital to national security.

Yushau A. Shuaib is the author of An Encounter with the Spymaster. yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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In the last two months, Kwara State politics has gradually transformed into a sophisticated chessboard where strategic calculations, silent alliances, political decoys, and subtle manoeuvres are unfolding behind the scenes.

The emergence of candidates by the major political parties may appear straightforward. But to close watchers of Kwara politics, developments within both the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) reveal a deeper contest driven by strategy, ambition, and political survival.

Indeed, some aspirants spent huge sums purchasing nomination forms and mobilising supporters, yet even within their own camps, many understood that certain ambitions were less about actual victory and more about tactical positioning in a larger political chess game.

The first major surprise came when Governor AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq publicly endorsed Ambassador Yahaya Seriki from the Ilorin Emirate in Kwara Central Senatorial District as his preferred successor. That endorsement appeared to settle months of speculation suggesting that the governor was quietly promoting a candidate from the predominantly non-Yoruba-speaking Kwara North, allegedly in response to perceived preferences from influential interests in Abuja for a candidate from the Yoruba-speaking Kwara South.

Yet, in a dramatic twist, the governors preferred consensus arrangement was eventually jettisoned by the APC national leadership, which insisted on a direct primary election.

At the end of the tense two-day exercise, the Speaker of the Kwara State House of Assembly, Salihu Yakubu Danladi from Kwara North, defeated all the aspirantsmost of whom were from the Ilorin Emirate in Kwara Centralincluding a respected lawyer, professor, businessmen, heads of federal institutions, as well as serving and former senators, to clinch the APC governorship ticket.

But the counter-move from the PDP was equally strategic. Reading the unfolding permutationsand noting the implications of the APC producing a Kwara North candidate despite the dominance of aspirants from the Ilorin Emirate in Kwara Centralthe PDP leadership, under former Senate President and two‑term governor Bukola Saraki, quickly moved to unify its ranks. The party rallied other aspirants behind Engr. Sulaiman Bolakale Kawu Agaka, a Yoruba‑speaking Fulani from Ilorin, as its consensus candidate, signalling a strategic attempt to consolidate the traditional Kwara Central political bloc.

Thus, the stage was set for another major political confrontation in Kwaraone that revives the enduring Saraki-AbdulRazaq rivalry that has largely defined the states political direction since 1999, and not necessarily from the 2019 O To Ge political revolution alone.

Meanwhile, emerging opposition parties have also unveiled their governorship candidates. The African Democratic Congress (ADC) has announced Hon. Zakari Mohammed, a former member of the House of Representatives from Kwara North, as its consensus flag-bearer. Similarly, there is also media speculation that National Democratic Congress (NDC) is poised to either endorse Mallam AbdulRahman Giwa, a cousin of the governor from Kwara Central or Engr Jamiu Bolaji as its candidate.

Whether these emerging parties are genuine alternative platforms or merely strategic spoilers capable of weakening stronger contenders within their respective senatorial zones remains a matter of political interpretation.

Without venturing into speculative calculations about voter distribution across Kwara North, Kwara South, and Kwara Centralwhich could be both instructive and politically sensitiveone indisputable reality remains: both Yakubu Danladi and Bolakale Kawu have emerged as the major contenders, each possessing distinguished professional and personal credentials beyond partisan politics.

Born on May 31, 1985, in Gwanara, Baruten Local Government Area, Yakubu Danladi hails from a modest but respected family. The son of the late Alhaji Salihu Aliyu, the Tafarkin Borgu, his journey reflects discipline, focus, and steady growth. He completed his secondary education at St. Anthony Secondary School, Ilorin in 2001, before earning both National and Higher National Diplomas in Electrical/Electronic Engineering from Kaduna Polytechnic, followed by a Bachelor of Engineering degree from the Federal University of Technology (FUT), Minna.

He lectured at FUT Minna from 2010 to 2018 before venturing into politics in 2019 where he won the Ilesha/Gwanara Constituency seat and, at just 34, became Speaker of the 9th Kwara State House of Assemblyone of the youngest in Nigeria. He retained both his seat and speakership in 2023, strengthening his influence within the APC.

His PDP challenger, Engr. Bolakale Kawu Agaka was born on May 1, 1969, in Ilorin. He hails from the Agaka lineage within the celebrated Alimi dynasty of the Ilorin Emirate. His educational background spans Electrical Power Engineering, Administration, and Business Management, with qualifications from Kwara State Polytechnic, Federal University of Technology Akure, and Ladoke Akintola University of Technology.

Following his National Youth Service with the defunct National Electric Power Authority (NEPA) in 1996, he built an extensive career within Nigerias power sector, eventually rising to become Executive Director of the Rural Electrification Agency before retiring from public service in 2025.

Throughout his years in service, Kawu developed a reputation for philanthropy, youth empowerment, and community development. Significantly, Governor AbdulRazaq himself publicly commended his contributions during his turbaning as Dan Iyan Ilorin in 2022.

Today, beyond his technocratic credentials, Kawu also carries the influential traditional title of Daniyan of Ilorina title that gives him considerable cultural and social influence within the Ilorin Emirate.

What makes the unfolding contest particularly fascinating is that both parties appear to have chosen their candidates not merely on popularity, but through deeper strategic calculations involving geography, identity, succession balance, and voter psychology.

For the APC, presenting a youthful Speaker from Kwara North signals a strategic bid to consolidate northern support while leveraging the advantages of incumbency. For the PDP, rallying behind a respected technocrat and traditional titleholder from the Ilorin Emirate reflects an effort to rebuild the Saraki‑era coalition in Kwara Central while appealing to both elite and grassroots sentiments.

Beyond posters and endorsements, Kwara 2027 is quietly unfolding as a sophisticated political chessboard. If Kwara North aligns firmly with Danladi and Kwara Central stands solidly behind Kawu, could Kwara South become the decisive battleground? In this evolving contest, the next governor is likely to emerge from the camp that best understands the delicate arithmetic, emotional undercurrents, and shifting dynamics of Kwaras political chess game.

Yushau A. Shuaib is author of An Encounter with the Spymaster yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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It never crossed my mind that Nkechi Ali-Balogun had turned 70 when she recently called me over promotional items for one of her professional initiatives. Her voice was as energetic, composed, and intellectually sharp as ever. It was therefore with pleasant shock that I later stumbled on congratulatory messages circulating across platforms of the African Public Relations Association (APRA) announcing that the respected PR icon clocked 70 on May 19, 2026.

For over two decades, I have regarded her as one of the most inspiring personalities and role models in public relations practicenot only in Nigeria but across Africa. Calm, calculated, graceful, yet firm in conviction, she possesses that rare ability to welcome constructive criticism wholeheartedly while remaining deeply committed to professionalism and ethical communication.

One memorable encounter between us further revealed the depth of her character.

In 2023, she expressed reservations over a perception survey conducted by interns of Spokespersons Digest on the campaign flyers of aspirants contesting for the presidency of the Nigerian Institute of Public Relations ahead of the Institutes Annual General Meeting scheduled for August 24, 2023.

The survey involved 25 Mass Communication undergraduates undergoing internship training at PRNigeria Centres in Abuja and Kano. The interns were asked to evaluate the campaign materials of the two frontline contenders for the NIPR presidency: Dr. Ike Neliaku and Mrs. Nkechi Ali-Balogun.

The interns generally considered Ali-Baloguns flyers aesthetically appealing because of their simplicity, elegant colour combination, and restrained messaging. However, they also observed that the materials contained limited personal branding information. Her name appeared abbreviated and less prominent, while there were fewer descriptive slogans projecting her personality and professional credentials.

Interestingly, some female respondents interpreted the absence of flamboyant catchphrases as deliberate and strategica subtle departure from the intimidating self-glorification often associated with Nigerian political campaigns.

Yet, the concluding editorial interpretation of the survey did not sit well with her.

When she called me, she argued passionately that the overall framing appeared to demarket her candidacy beyond the objective assessment made by the interns. But what struck me most was not her complaintit was her maturity. Despite her reservations, she commended the young interns for their effort and even expressed willingness to support their aspirations and professional growth.

That singular conversation strengthened our professional relationship.

In fact, in a deliberate effort to prove that I neither influenced nor manipulated the editorial position of the interns, I later wrote a personal opinion article titled NIPR Presidency: Between Nkechi Ali-Balogun and Ike Neliaku, which was published in several national newspapers.

In that article, I described her as the quintessential woman in public relationsa title I still believe fits perfectly.

Over the years, our paths have crossed repeatedly at national and international PR events. One enduring quality about Nkechi Ali-Balogun is her generosity of spirit. She never hesitates to encourage good performance, thoughtful presentations, or innovative ideas. Her commendations are sincere, and her criticisms are usually constructive.

A Fellow of NIPR and a respected senior member of APRA, Ali-Balogun is the Principal Consultant and Chief Executive Officer of NECCI Limited, a Lagos-based public relations consultancy that has remained influential in strategic communication and corporate reputation management.

Before establishing herself fully in consultancy, she built an impressive corporate career, serving as Head of Corporate Affairs at the Nigerian Export-Import Bank and later at Equitorial Trust Bank. Earlier still, she spent five years at the Nigerian Television Authority as a producer, scriptwriter, and consultantan experience that sharpened her media intelligence and storytelling skills. She is currently Chairperson/CEO Public Relations Consultants of Nigeria (PRCAN).

Academically, she remains equally accomplished. She earned a first degree in English/Education and a Masters degree in Mass Communication from the University of Lagos, an MBA in Management from the University of Nigeria, and later obtained a PhD in Mass Communication from the University of Lagos. She also attended the prestigious Frank Jefkins School of Public Relations in London.

Ali-Baloguns professional journey is deeply intertwined with the growth of public relations practice in Nigeria and Africa. With over three decades of experience, she has not only built a flourishing career but has also contributed immensely to institutional development, ethical communication, and professional mentoring.

She made history as the first female Chairperson of the Lagos State Chapter of NIPR, where she demonstrated strategic leadership, organisational discipline, and a passion for professional excellence. Her tenure remains one of the reference points for effective chapter administration within the Institute.

In 2023, she again broke barriers by becoming the first woman ever to contest for the presidency of NIPR. Her candidacy attracted widespread support from notable PR groups and professionals, including women-focused communication networks and industry associations. Her seven-point agenda centred on institutional relevance, gender inclusion, capacity building, and digital transformation within the profession.

Though she did not emerge victorious, her candidacy itself altered the psychology of leadership possibilities within the Institute. She proved that competence, courage, and credibility matter more than entrenched traditions.

Beyond titles and achievements, Ali-Balogun remains passionate about mentoring the next generation. Through the NECCI Public Relations Roundtable and her widely respected platform, Chat with NAB, she continues to shape conversations around leadership, communication ethics, branding, and strategic influence.

Indeed, Nkechi Ali-Balogun deserves the fitting title of an African PR Amazon.

Not merely because she is influential, but because she embodies exceptional courage, resilience, elegance, and intellectual strength in strategic communication. She has consistently spoken truth to power with dignity while building bridges across professional divides. The calibre of personalities that honour her annual engagements reflects the respect she commands across sectors and across borders.

On behalf of the management and staff of Image Merchants Promotion Limitedpublishers of PRNigeria, Economic Confidential, Spokespersons Digest, and Tech Digest, under the chairmanship of respected communication scholar, Sule Yau SuleI celebrate a woman whose life exemplifies professionalism, mentorship, service, and sacrifice for nation-building.

At 70, Nkechi Ali-Balogun remains not only relevant but remarkably inspirational. May her wisdom continue to illuminate the path for generations of communication professionals across Africa.

Yushau A. Shuaib, author of ” Dozen Tips for Media Relation” and “,Award-Winning Crisis Communication Strategies.”
yashuaib

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One of the most remarkable and often underappreciated examples of harmonious coexistence in public office was the working relationship between former President Muhammadu Buharis two presidential spokespersons, Femi Adesina and Garba Shehu.

At the time of their appointments, many observersincluding this writeranticipated inevitable friction. In an article I wrote shortly after their emergence in June 2015 titled The Presidential Spokespersons (https://cutt.ly/ntVD9GYM), I had raised concerns over hierarchy, precedence, and the potential katakata that could arise from having two powerful media figures operating within overlapping communication responsibilities.

Traditionally, the office of Special Adviser was considered superior to that of Senior Special Assistant. Yet, contrary to fears and political predictions, both men served for eight years without any visible acrimony.

That uncommon maturity was later reflected in their best-selling memoirsWorking with Buhari by Adesina and According to the President by Shehuboth offering different yet complementary perspectives on the same administration, without bitterness or public rivalry.

Nigeria now appears to be entering another delicate institutional moment this time within its security architecture. While President Bola Ahmed Tinubu was on an official three‑nation trip to France, Kenya and Rwanda, and the National Security Adviser, Nuhu Ribadu, was representing Nigeria in high‑level meetings with U.S. Vice President J.D. Vance and Acting National Security Adviser/Secretary of State Marco Rubio in Washington, news broke announcing the appointment of retired Major General Famadewa as Adviser on Homeland Security.

The announcement generated immediate reactions within security and political circles. Though there had been speculations that some influential interests were uncomfortable with a non-military figure serving as National Security Adviser, many still considered the timing and structure of the appointment curious.

Ironically, the debate over Ribadus suitability began immediately after President Bola Tinubus inauguration in May 2023. I wrote then on The Person Needed for President Tinubus NSA, (https://cutt.ly/FtVSeT67) and later, when Ribadu was first announced as Adviser on Security Matters, I published Nuhu Ribadu and the NSAs Statutory Mandates (https://cutt.ly/YtVSr2lH). In both pieces, I argued that effective national security management is not the exclusive preserve of military officers. Globally including in the United States and the United Kingdom many national security advisers come from legal, diplomatic, intelligence, or academic backgrounds rather than active military command. That position remains valid.

The Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA) is a legally established institution with broad statutory responsibilities covering intelligence coordination, strategic security policy, counterterrorism supervision, and inter-agency collaboration. Over the years, it has evolved into the central coordinating hub of Nigerias security ecosystem.

By contrast, there is presently no clearly defined legal framework outlining the mandate of the newly created Homeland Security office. However, Presidency insiders suggest that the concept is modelled after the United States Department of Homeland Security, with focus areas expected to include immigration, civil defence, border management, and domestic intelligence coordination.

In fairness to both men, neither Ribadu nor Famadewa lacks credentials or commitment. Ribadu has shown exceptional loyalty across administrations. As EFCCs pioneer chairman under President Obasanjo, he confronted corruption head‑on, taking on politically exposed individuals once considered untouchable. As NSA under President Tinubu, he undertakes risky visits to volatile security zones, conducts intensive diplomatic shuttle missions, and consistently defends Nigeria against negative international narratives, ranging from terrorism designations to money‑laundering and governance concerns, among his statutory responsibilities.

General Famadewa, on the other hand, may not enjoy the same public visibility, given his deep roots in military intelligence operations. Intelligence officers are rarely household names. Yet, during the Buhari administration, Famadewa was widely regarded as one of the stabilising forces behind the tenure of former NSA, retired Major General Babagana Monguno.

As Principal Staff Officer at ONSA, Famadewa played strategic and operational roles during periods of intense bureaucratic and political turbulence. Despite pressures from competing interests within and outside the Presidency (Aso Rock), Monguno survived eight difficult years largely because of the institutional discipline and strategic coordination around him.

Famadewa is an intellectual soldier, a disciplined spymaster, and an unusually humble gentleman. But beneath that calm disposition lies a workaholic officer known for confronting challenges directly and methodically.

The controversy surrounding the new appointment is therefore less about competence and more about timing especially since both the NSA and the President were outside the country when it was announced. That naturally fuelled speculation.

Beyond timing, there is also concern about overlapping mandates. The titles National Security Adviser and Homeland Security Adviser are similar enough to create ambiguity in an already sensitive security environment. What exactly distinguishes national from homeland?

In bureaucratic systems, unclear lines of authority often breed rivalry, duplication, and institutional tension. This is especially delicate considering that Ribadu is a retired Assistant Inspector General of Police with strong intelligence and law enforcement credentials, while Famadewa is a retired Army Major General with intelligence expertise. In a country where inter-agency rivalry has historically weakened national security coordination, perceptions matter almost as much as policy.

Nigeria has witnessed periods when institutional harmony depended less on rank and more on personal chemistry and presidential clarity. There was even a time when an Army Colonel serving as NSA commanded greater inter-agency respect than some retired generals occupying ministerial positions. That experience demonstrated that security management effectiveness is not solely determined by hierarchy but also by charismatic leadership and presidential backing.

Another dimension of the debate is the growing public concern over what I previously described as the Yorubanisation of key security appointments. Currently, strategic positions such as the Chief of Defence Staff (Military), the Inspector General of Police (Security) and the Director-General of the DSS (Intelligence) are occupied by individuals from the same broad Yoruba ethnic bloc in the Southwest, while the NSA remains the only top‑level, non‑ministerial security position occupied by a Northerner in this case, a Fulani.

Whether fair or exaggerated, such perceptions matter in a multi-ethnic federation like Nigeria, where balancing appointments remains politically sensitive.

Professionally speaking, the controversy could have been avoided if a dedicated Department or Agency of Homeland Security had been created with a clearly defined operational framework similar to the National Counter‑Terrorism Centre under ONSA, which already operates effectively under a serving military general. Such an approach would have preserved institutional clarity and strengthened operational efficiency.

Politics may be transient, but institutional reputation endures. President Tinubu has demonstrated a strong commitment to tackling insecurity in the North, and Nuhu Ribadu has invested significant political and personal capital in defending the administrationoften at considerable reputational cost. The recent commendation by President Donald Trump on Nigerias counter‑terrorism efforts and intelligence coordination with the US military, following the elimination of ISIS/ISWAP leadership just a week after Ribadus visit to Washington, underscores this point.

It is therefore understandable that the latest arrangement has raised concerns about diminished authority or strategic sidelining.

Meanwhile, the AdesinaShehu experience under Buhari shows that duplication doesnt cause dysfunction when roles are clear and egos are managed. Our security system must be protected from turf battles, policy confusion, and political interference.

The Presidency should clarify the mandates, reassure Nigerians that the security leadership is united and focused, and likewise counter the mischievous portrayal of the appointment as kishiya in Hausa.

Anything short of timely clarification risks giving critics room to make derogatory claims of used and dumped.

Yushau A. Shuaib, author of An Encounter with the Spymaster and Award-winning Crisis Communication Strategies, yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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A single word has quietly colonised Nigerias pre-election vocabulary consensus. It is deployed with confidence, knowing they will not be challenged. Yet what is being paraded as consensus in many states today is nothing of the sort. It is imposition laundered, repackaged, and dressed in democratic clothing.

With the 2027 elections only months away, at least 22 governors have already endorsed President Bola Ahmed Tinubu as their consensus presidential candidate. At the state level, these same governors are replicating the model downward anointing successors, selecting senators, choosing members of the House of Representatives, and determining state assembly tickets. Children of politicians, relatives of the wealthy, and allies of the powerful some lacking experience, exposure, or even basic qualifications are suddenly emerging as consensus candidates.

Meanwhile, the electorate, for whom this entire democratic architecture supposedly exists, watches from the sidelines. This is not a democracy. It is a hostage situation in Agbada.

This crisis traces back to President Bola Tinubus closed-door meeting with APC governors, after which he effectively empowered 31 of them to determine the fate of aspirants in their states. Kwara State Governor AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq later confirmed that the President had given governors latitude to conduct primaries through consensus or direct voting. What sounded procedural in Abuja has since reshaped politics nationwide, granting governors sweeping control over who advances and who is quietly removed from the path.

Senior lawmakers reportedly appealed to the President for automatic tickets, but he maintained that governors hold the real influence in their states. The result is growing unease within the party, especially among federal legislators who lack strong ties to their governors.

One is tempted to feel sympathy for these lawmakers. One is tempted but it is difficult. Many of them helped build this structure. They defected, genuflected, and complied only to now discover that the machinery of impunity does not distinguish between victims and collaborators.

This pattern is already visible across several states. In Nasarawa, Governor Abdullahi Sule has named Senator Ahmed Wadada as his preferred successor, while associates of former Inspector General of Police Mohammed Adamu allege pressure on ward executives to endorse that choice. In Ebonyi, Governor Francis Nwifuru presided over a meeting where aspirants were openly anointed, prompting former Governor David Umahi to insist that no one be barred from buying forms. The state APC later warned that defying the governors directive would be treated as disloyalty.

In Adamawa, elders of the Gongola Peoples rejected what they described as attempts to impose a governorship candidate. In Ogun, APC members in Ijebu East protested alleged imposition of legislative candidates. In Yobe, a photograph of Governor Mai Mala Buni raising a preferred aspirants hand signalled that the decision had effectively been made.

Similar tensions are emerging elsewhere: in Borno, Governor Babagana Zulum is reported to have endorsed a preferred aspirant against the wishes of Vice President Kashim Shettima. In Kwara, Governor AbdulRahman AbdulRazaqs choice is said to conflict with preferences attributed to the presidency. Reports from Gombe also suggest resistance to a candidate viewed as misaligned with local expectations.

The deeper danger is that manipulation can hide inside the law itself. The Electoral Act permits consensus primaries, and INECs 2026 Regulations allow parties to choose candidates through direct, indirect, or consensus methods. Consensus, when genuinely negotiated, is lawful and even efficient. But there is a vast difference between a true consensus and one manufactured through gubernatorial pressure. One reflects democracy; the other is a procedural disguise for illegitimacy.

What is at stake is not the comfort of politicians but the confidence of 93 million registered voters heading into the 2027 elections. Many already believe their votes do not matter and that outcomes are predetermined a belief reinforced by a triangle of compromise involving security agencies, INEC, and the judiciary.

Political elites deepen this distrust by framing defections to the ruling party as guarantees of victory, regardless of voter choice. When governors hand pick candidates before delegates even vote, they are not only sidelining aspirants they are sidelining the voter. The message is unmistakable: your preference was never part of the process.

This is the quiet coup no one is naming loudly enough. The ballot box is becoming a prop a ritual used to ratify decisions already made in government houses across the 36 states.

At this critical juncture, three institutions must rise to the occasion. First, the President, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, as leader of the ruling establishment, must resist the temptation to condone or benefit from these distortions. Leadership demands not just political survival but the protection of democratic norms. Silence risks normalising practices that undermine the system itself.

Second, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), under Chairman Prof. Joash Amupitan, must assert its constitutional authority more firmly. It is not enough to supervise general elections while ignoring the flawed processes that produce candidates. Electoral integrity begins at the primaries. Without credible candidate selection, even the most transparent general election becomes a compromised exercise.

Third, the judiciary, long regarded as the last hope of the common man, must guard against becoming an instrument for legitimising illegitimacy. The Chief Justice of Nigeria, Hon. Justice Kudirat Kekere Ekun, must ensure that courts prioritise substantive justice over technicalities. A judiciary that consistently validates the outcomes of corrupt processes becomes a co author of those processes. History does not forgive that.

Ultimately, the greatest casualty of consensus abuse is the Nigerian voter. Nigerias political history shows that imposed candidates rarely produce stability: the winner of a manipulated primary often enters the general election weakened, while the aspirant who quietly accepts a consensus defeat may later contribute to the partys internal fractures. The fallout between Atiku Abubakar and Nyesom Wike in 2023 remains a reminder of how unresolved disputes can shape a partys future. Voters, too after being told their voices do not matter tend to remember, and sometimes respond decisively.

Nigeria is approaching another such moment. Reports indicate that within the major opposition party, supporters of Peter Obi and Rabiu Kwankwaso are considering defections to other platforms due to internal tensions involving Atiku Abubakar. Meanwhile, decisions being made in government houses across the federation will shape far more than who wins in 2027. They will determine whether that election strengthens Nigerias democratic development or accelerates its democratic decline.

The coming week may prove decisive for the political process leading to the 2027 general election. The gladiators may be deciding the tickets. But the people sovereign, long suffering, and watching will have the final say. They always do.

Yushau A. ShuaibAuthor of A Dozen Tips for Media Relations, yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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