Crisis communication teaches one hard truth: silence doesn’t calm a crisis; it fuels it. When leaders fail to engage, their silence is easily read as indifference. That was the uncomfortable impression some participants felt during the second day of the recent National Security Summit organised by the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ) in Abuja, where senior security officials were absent.

Were security chiefs concerned that journalists might demand answers about the persistent allegations linking illegal mining activities in bandit-prone areas to the financing of criminal networks? Could they have been uncomfortable addressing claims that some retired and serving security personnel have been implicated, directly or indirectly, in the worsening insecurity across the country?

Could they also have feared being asked whether the nation’s democratic authorities and security leadership possess the political will and operational latitude required to confront these monumental challenges, especially amid claims that some major financiers and sponsors are known yet remain untouchable?

And what about the resurgence of mass abductions and kidnappings, particularly in schools spreading beyond their traditional epicentres, raising concerns about whether these attacks are being orchestrated for political motives or illicit financial gain?

While there may be no evidence to support such suspicions, insecurity thrives in the shadows where transparency is absent. The summit, themed “Media and Security Agencies as Partners in Nation Building,” was conceived as a platform to foster understanding between two institutions whose responsibilities frequently intersect: the media and the security services.

The opening day was impressive. It drew a diverse audience of journalists, academics, communication specialists, development partners, security personnel, and government officials. The Minister of Information and National Orientation, Malam Mohammed Idris Malagi, was the most senior figure in attendance, adding weight to the proceedings. Discussions focused on strategic communication, responsible journalism, national security, and the importance of collaboration in addressing Nigeria’s complex security challenges.

However, the second day, which was designed as the technical session devoted specifically to national security issues, presented a different picture. The security chiefs whose institutions were central to the conversation were conspicuously absent. More disappointing was the fact that many of them were neither physically present nor represented.

Ironically, the discussions that day could have benefited enormously from their participation. The keynote speaker, Mr. Musikilu Mojeed, President of the International Press Institute (IPI) Nigeria, delivered a well-researched paper on the delicate relationship between the media and security institutions. He examined several historical and contemporary cases that highlighted tensions, misunderstandings, and occasional confrontations between journalists and security agencies.

During his presentation, he referenced the controversial 2014 incident in which security operatives intercepted newspaper distribution vehicles, an episode that drew widespread criticism from media organisations and civil society groups.

What Mr. Mojeed perhaps did not know was that one of the principal actors in that period, former Director of Defence Information, Major General Chris Olukolade (rtd.), was quietly seated at the back of the hall with a former Director of Naval Information, Commodore Kabir Aliyu (rtd.). I was privileged to sit beside them as the presentation progressed.

General Olukolade, currently the Chairman of the Centre for Crisis Communication (CCC) is not known for reopening old controversies. In fact, he has consistently avoided public discussions about many military operations and sensitive decisions from previous eras. Yet, on this occasion, he felt compelled to provide clarification.

When given the microphone, he explained that at the time, during the administration of Goodluck Jonathan, security agencies were grappling with evolving terrorist tactics, including intelligence reports suggesting that insurgents were exploring unconventional methods of transporting weapons and logistics across the country.

More importantly, he revealed something that many critics may not have known: the security command later acknowledged public concerns over the incident and apologised. According to him, lessons were learned, and safeguards were introduced to ensure that such actions would not recur. He added that dialogue often achieves what assumptions cannot.

To my surprise, I was also invited to the podium to contribute to the discussion on media-security relations. My intervention was modest. Rather than focusing on disagreements, I chose to highlight examples of productive collaboration between journalists and security agencies through the Forum of Spokespersons of Security and Response Agencies (FOSSRA), an initiative once chaired by General Olukolade and later by the late Major General Abubakar Rabe.

I remembered the professionalism of editors who placed national interest above sensational headlines. One notable example involved a senior editor of ThisDay Newspaper, Ms Ijeoma Nwogwugwu, who received a late-night request in June 2013 from military authorities regarding a specific word used in a report on insurgency operations. The concern was that publishing certain details could jeopardise an ongoing mission. After reviewing the implications, the newspaper agreed and made the adjustment. The operation was subsequently adjudged successful.

I also recalled my May 2014 visit to Premium Times’ headquarters after a report on an alleged mutiny by soldiers in Borno State. At the time, I passionately appealed to the newspaper’s leadership to consider replacing the word “mutiny” with “protest” because of the severe legal implications of mutiny under military law. While the then Managing Editor, Musikilu Mojeed, listened attentively and showed understanding, the story had already gained traction elsewhere. Eventually, some of the affected soldiers were convicted of mutiny.

Similarly, I recounted how Mallam Hamza Idris, then Daily Trust Bureau Chief in Borno in February 2015, filed what appeared to be a routine report. Security officials later raised concerns that the unpublished story, though harmless on the surface, could inadvertently expose troop movements and operational plans. After assessing the potential consequences, the editorial leadership of Weekend Daily Trust sacrificed what was scheduled to be a front-page lead in the interest of national security.

That same year, two Nigerian journalists working for foreign media were briefly detained in a Borno hotel, an action taken purely for their safety, though widely misinterpreted. During major anti‑insurgency operations, senior media executives were routinely briefed. And despite criticisms of Sahara Reporters’ style, its publisher, Omoyele Sowore, often showed genuine concern for national security. The then NGE President, Femi Adesina, and the Dean of Bureau Chiefs, Yusuf Alli, can attest to the trust and confidentiality that defined those engagements.

The cooperation between the media and security agencies, supported by broader inter‑agency coordination through FOSSRAhelped reduce conflict and contributed significantly to the recovery of dozens of towns from terrorist control ahead of the 2015 election. Although FOSSRA was last chaired by General Rabe before being abandoned under the Buhari administration, its strategic value was clear. Recognising this, NSA Malam Nuhu Ribadu pragmatically revived the mechanism with the Centre for Crisis Communication (CCC) as technical partner. Unfortunately, that effort was later undermined by unprofessional insiders whose motives remain questionable.

These examples demonstrate that the relationship between the media and security agencies has not always been characterised by hostility. There have been countless instances of cooperation, understanding, and mutual respect.

That is precisely why the absence of serving security chiefs from the second day of the summit was disappointing. The gathering offered a rare opportunity for frank conversations, confidence-building, and institutional learning. Meanwhile, the communiqu issued at the end of the two-day summit, signed by NUJ President Comrade Alhassan Yahaya Abdullahi, captured many of the concerns raised during the discussions. Most importantly, participants reaffirmed that national security and sustainable development depend on strong, transparent, and accountable partnerships among the media, security agencies, government institutions, and citizens.

It is expected that next time an invitation is extended, they will honour it, especially when it comes from a respected and trusted ally whose partnership is vital to national security.

Yushau A. Shuaib is the author of An Encounter with the Spymaster. yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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It never crossed my mind that Nkechi Ali-Balogun had turned 70 when she recently called me over promotional items for one of her professional initiatives. Her voice was as energetic, composed, and intellectually sharp as ever. It was therefore with pleasant shock that I later stumbled on congratulatory messages circulating across platforms of the African Public Relations Association (APRA) announcing that the respected PR icon clocked 70 on May 19, 2026.

For over two decades, I have regarded her as one of the most inspiring personalities and role models in public relations practicenot only in Nigeria but across Africa. Calm, calculated, graceful, yet firm in conviction, she possesses that rare ability to welcome constructive criticism wholeheartedly while remaining deeply committed to professionalism and ethical communication.

One memorable encounter between us further revealed the depth of her character.

In 2023, she expressed reservations over a perception survey conducted by interns of Spokespersons Digest on the campaign flyers of aspirants contesting for the presidency of the Nigerian Institute of Public Relations ahead of the Institutes Annual General Meeting scheduled for August 24, 2023.

The survey involved 25 Mass Communication undergraduates undergoing internship training at PRNigeria Centres in Abuja and Kano. The interns were asked to evaluate the campaign materials of the two frontline contenders for the NIPR presidency: Dr. Ike Neliaku and Mrs. Nkechi Ali-Balogun.

The interns generally considered Ali-Baloguns flyers aesthetically appealing because of their simplicity, elegant colour combination, and restrained messaging. However, they also observed that the materials contained limited personal branding information. Her name appeared abbreviated and less prominent, while there were fewer descriptive slogans projecting her personality and professional credentials.

Interestingly, some female respondents interpreted the absence of flamboyant catchphrases as deliberate and strategica subtle departure from the intimidating self-glorification often associated with Nigerian political campaigns.

Yet, the concluding editorial interpretation of the survey did not sit well with her.

When she called me, she argued passionately that the overall framing appeared to demarket her candidacy beyond the objective assessment made by the interns. But what struck me most was not her complaintit was her maturity. Despite her reservations, she commended the young interns for their effort and even expressed willingness to support their aspirations and professional growth.

That singular conversation strengthened our professional relationship.

In fact, in a deliberate effort to prove that I neither influenced nor manipulated the editorial position of the interns, I later wrote a personal opinion article titled NIPR Presidency: Between Nkechi Ali-Balogun and Ike Neliaku, which was published in several national newspapers.

In that article, I described her as the quintessential woman in public relationsa title I still believe fits perfectly.

Over the years, our paths have crossed repeatedly at national and international PR events. One enduring quality about Nkechi Ali-Balogun is her generosity of spirit. She never hesitates to encourage good performance, thoughtful presentations, or innovative ideas. Her commendations are sincere, and her criticisms are usually constructive.

A Fellow of NIPR and a respected senior member of APRA, Ali-Balogun is the Principal Consultant and Chief Executive Officer of NECCI Limited, a Lagos-based public relations consultancy that has remained influential in strategic communication and corporate reputation management.

Before establishing herself fully in consultancy, she built an impressive corporate career, serving as Head of Corporate Affairs at the Nigerian Export-Import Bank and later at Equitorial Trust Bank. Earlier still, she spent five years at the Nigerian Television Authority as a producer, scriptwriter, and consultantan experience that sharpened her media intelligence and storytelling skills. She is currently Chairperson/CEO Public Relations Consultants of Nigeria (PRCAN).

Academically, she remains equally accomplished. She earned a first degree in English/Education and a Masters degree in Mass Communication from the University of Lagos, an MBA in Management from the University of Nigeria, and later obtained a PhD in Mass Communication from the University of Lagos. She also attended the prestigious Frank Jefkins School of Public Relations in London.

Ali-Baloguns professional journey is deeply intertwined with the growth of public relations practice in Nigeria and Africa. With over three decades of experience, she has not only built a flourishing career but has also contributed immensely to institutional development, ethical communication, and professional mentoring.

She made history as the first female Chairperson of the Lagos State Chapter of NIPR, where she demonstrated strategic leadership, organisational discipline, and a passion for professional excellence. Her tenure remains one of the reference points for effective chapter administration within the Institute.

In 2023, she again broke barriers by becoming the first woman ever to contest for the presidency of NIPR. Her candidacy attracted widespread support from notable PR groups and professionals, including women-focused communication networks and industry associations. Her seven-point agenda centred on institutional relevance, gender inclusion, capacity building, and digital transformation within the profession.

Though she did not emerge victorious, her candidacy itself altered the psychology of leadership possibilities within the Institute. She proved that competence, courage, and credibility matter more than entrenched traditions.

Beyond titles and achievements, Ali-Balogun remains passionate about mentoring the next generation. Through the NECCI Public Relations Roundtable and her widely respected platform, Chat with NAB, she continues to shape conversations around leadership, communication ethics, branding, and strategic influence.

Indeed, Nkechi Ali-Balogun deserves the fitting title of an African PR Amazon.

Not merely because she is influential, but because she embodies exceptional courage, resilience, elegance, and intellectual strength in strategic communication. She has consistently spoken truth to power with dignity while building bridges across professional divides. The calibre of personalities that honour her annual engagements reflects the respect she commands across sectors and across borders.

On behalf of the management and staff of Image Merchants Promotion Limitedpublishers of PRNigeria, Economic Confidential, Spokespersons Digest, and Tech Digest, under the chairmanship of respected communication scholar, Sule Yau SuleI celebrate a woman whose life exemplifies professionalism, mentorship, service, and sacrifice for nation-building.

At 70, Nkechi Ali-Balogun remains not only relevant but remarkably inspirational. May her wisdom continue to illuminate the path for generations of communication professionals across Africa.

Yushau A. Shuaib, author of ” Dozen Tips for Media Relation” and “,Award-Winning Crisis Communication Strategies.”
yashuaib

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Thirty years ago, a quiet message travelled from the ancient community of Dukawuya in Kano: a child had been born. It was an ordinary announcement, yet it emerged from a place that has never been ordinary.

Dukawuya is one of the historic gatewaysKofathat once guarded the ancient walls of Kano against foreign invaders. Long before modern cities grew noisy with human traffic, Dukawuya stood as a sentinel of history, culture, and resilience. Even today, it occupies a unique intellectual geography. To its south stands Bayero University Kano (BUK); to the west, the Federal University of Education (formerly ATC/ABU); to the east, Kano Polytechnic; and to the north, the Women Teachers College (WTC) and Government Secondary School Dukawuya. Few communities in Nigeria are so completely encircled by institutions of learning. It is no exaggeration that Dukawuya is rightly described as the Centre of Education in Kano.

It was in this cradle of knowledge that the newborn was named Gidado, after a man remembered for his integrity during the Abacha administration. His educational journey began in two worlds at once. In the mornings, he attended Stella Maris, a Christian school in Garki, Abuja. By afternoon, he joined young pupils studying the Quran in the traditional Almajiri‑style setting in Wuye. Two systems. Two philosophies. Two streams of knowledge flowing into the same young mind. This early exposure to diversity would later define his worldview.

After primary school, he moved to Command Secondary School, Asokoro, where the culture of military discipline sharpened his sense of responsibility. Yet his parents, determined to expose him to broader experiences, later enrolled him in Alhaji Akilu Islamic School in Modibbo, Kanoa rural environment where life was simpler, harsher, and deeply instructive. From there, he returned to Abuja to complete his secondary education at Nigeria‑Ghana College. Each school left its imprint: faith, discipline, resilience, and curiosity.

With strong results, he gained admission into BUK to study Sociology and Mass Communication. Immersed in a new academic ecosystem, his performance improved steadily, surprising even those who had watched his earlier journey.

But destiny had its own interruptions. At the time, Boko Harams insurgency was spreading fear across Northern Nigeria. Schools, markets, and security formations were under attack. The Federal University of Education, just a short distance from Dukawuya, was among the institutions targeted by suicide bombers. Concerned for his safety, his parents made a decisive move: they relocated him to Baze University, Abuja.

There, he continued his studies in Mass Communication and graduated with a Second Class Upper. His academic curiosity later took him beyond Nigerias borders to the University of Westminster in London, where he earned a Masters degree in Media Campaigning and Social Change.

Yet education alone does not define a life. His career spans impactful roles as an intern and trainee at leading media organizations, including Premium Times, Daily Trust, and BBC London. During his National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) year at Government House, Minna, he worked under a mentor who remains his current boss, learning the intricacies of crisis communication, strategic media engagement, and reputation management.

But his true passion was beginning to reveal itself: digital journalism. From that passion emerged Youth Digest, a platform he created to inspire young Nigerians through engaging stories and practical skills. Soon after, he launched the Campus Journalism Awards (CJA) and the Youth Digest Dialogue Initiative, both aimed at empowering young communicators across the country.

Determined to pursue deeper, more impactful journalism, he founded News Digest, a platform that gained more attention than anticipated. At one point, his work led to a confrontation with security operatives. He was arrested in Abuja and transported to Ilorin over a report investigated by award‑winning journalist Alfred Olufemi. A court case followed, producing an initial unfavourable judgment before being overturned on appeal.

Even earlier, a case of mistaken identity had placed him under interrogation by the then CSP Tunde Disu‑led Rapid Response Squad (RRS) in Lagos. After careful questioning, he was cleared by the officer who is now the Inspector‑General of Police. For a young journalist, these encounters were less frightening than they were instructive.

Meanwhile, his communication skills were opening new doors. He participated in the World PR Forum in Ghana and the UN Young Assembly in Washington, consulted for organisations and brands, and steadily built a reputation in strategic communication. His roles later included Social Media Coordinator for Baze University, Chief Communication Adviser for CISLAC/Transparency International and Special Assistant to the Director‑General of Voice of Nigeria, Mallam Jibrin Baba Ndacea mentor whose influence he acknowledges with deep respect.

Recognition soon followed, including a 30 Under 30 Young Communicator honour.

But perhaps the most meaningful recognition came from home. During the holy month of Ramadan, a message arrived from Sarkin Kofar Dukawuya, Alhaji Bello Maitama. The letter praised his familys contributions to the community and the pride they had brought to the ancient gate that once defended Kano. In recognition, the community resolved to confer upon him the traditional title of Shettiman Dukawuya.

The title carries deep symbolism. Though his grandparents were born in the Ilorin Emirate and his ancestry traces back to the Kanuri people of Bornowhere Shettima signifies leadership and scholarshiphe and his father were born in Kano. His family is the custodian of the oldest Quran in Ilorin, brought from Kanem‑Bornu by their forefathers. Thus, the honour connects three regions, three cultures, and generations of history.

Today, March 29, 2026, as he turns thirty, I reflect not only on the years that have passed but on the journey that continues. I celebrate my son, Gidado Yushau Shuaib, for the discipline he has shown, the challenges he has endured, and the honours he has brought to our family and community.

To Shettiman Dukawuya, I say: May your path continue to be guided by knowledge, humility, and service. And may the next chapters of your story be even more remarkable than the first thirty years.

Above all, to the Dukawuya Community, we remain deeply grateful for this great honour.

Yushau A. Shuaib is the author of “A Dozen Tips for Media Relations” yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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Some call it the law of karma. I prefer the older formulation: what you do unto others shall, in time, be done unto you. Nigerias recent political history offers few more instructive illustrations of this truth than the parallel fates of Sambo Dasuki and Abubakar Malami.

Those expressing sympathy for former Attorney‑General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami, over his current ordeal with the EFCC and the DSS may have conveniently forgotten what befell former National Security Adviser (NSA), retired Colonel Sambo Dasukiarrested barely a day after handing over office. His story remains one of the most troubling indictments of executive overreach in Nigerias democratic era: a case study in how personal vendetta, political score‑settling, and institutional disregard for judicial authority can be disguised as the pursuit of justice.

The roots of the Dasuki saga run deep into Nigerias military past. Dasuki played a significant role in financing and facilitating the 1983 coup that brought General Muhammadu Buhari to power according to retired Colonel Mustapha Jokolo, Buharis former ADC. He was also involved in the 1985 countercoup that removed Buhari and installed General Ibrahim Babangida, though he was not among those who physically arrested Buhari. Colonel Abdulmumini Aminu, who led that operation, confirmed that he and three others actually carried out the arrest without Dasuki. These historical details matter because the bitterness they produced never fully disappeared.

Dasuki was arrested in late 2015 and charged with money laundering over the alleged diversion of arms‑procurement funds during the Jonathan administration. What his accusers refused to acknowledge, however, was that during his tenure as NSA dozens of towns were successfully reclaimed from terrorists. It was also a period when banditry had not yet taken root in the Northwest or North‑Centralan insecurity trend that escalated only later under the Buhari administration.

While the allegations against Dasuki appeared serious on paper, what followed was far worse: a systematic assault on the rule of law.

Multiple courts granted him bail. He met every condition. Yet each time, he was immediately re‑arrested without any new charges. This cycle continued until he became the only public official in Nigerian history to remain in detention despite bail orders from four different courts, including the ECOWAS Court.

In a particularly troubling twist, Malami falsely claimed in a VOA interview that Dasuki had killed 100,000 people and justified his continued detentiondespite multiple bail orderson national‑security grounds. This misinformation and media‑trial posture led to his summons before the LPDC in 2019, where he eventually recanted.

President Buhari later made the administrations stance explicit during a televised media chat, declaring that Dasuki would not be released regardless of court orders and describing him as a security risk. It was a rare moment when executive contempt for judicial authority was openly acknowledged.

Beyond the physical detention, the Buhari era normalised media trialswhere citizens were convicted in the court of public opinion long before any judge had ruled. The EFCC and the DSS were the most notorious instruments of this strategy.

The case of Colonel Nicholas Ashinze illustrates this vividly. Ashinze, a military intelligence officer who played a key role with technical partners in operations that reclaimed territories from Boko Haram, found himself facing charges even as the EFCC issued a statement so inaccurate that it provoked a rare judicial rebuke.

Justice Gabriel Kolawole condemned the EFCCs conduct, describing its statement against Ashinze as scandalous and prejudicial to fair trial. He ordered the agency to apologise publicly to the officer and suspended the trial. The EFCC complied, attributing the falsehoods to an internal mix‑up.

Similarly, the arms probe panel under ONSA, chaired by one Air Vice Marshal Jon Odeh, was disbanded after members were themselves indicted for receiving bribes from individuals they were investigating. These episodes underscored the institutional impunity that characterised the period.

Perhaps the most heartbreaking dimension of Dasukis ordeal was the treatment of his father, the late Alhaji Ibrahim Dasukiformer Sultan of Sokoto and one of Nigerias most revered traditional and Islamic leaders. Despite repeated appeals, he was denied permission to visit his son in detention. He died without seeing him.

This act was widely condemned as unnecessary crueltyan example of how political rivalry had crossed into something far more callous.

By contrast, when the current administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu detained former Kaduna Governor Nasir el-Rufai over corruption charges, he was immediately released following his mothers death. I welcomed the gesture, while wishing that the mercy had come earlier and that no public official should spend more than a month in custody merely awaiting trial. The standard of decency we apply must be consistent, regardless of who occupies the dock.

Dasuki was eventually released on Christmas Eve 2019, after Buharis re‑election. His freedomcoming after more than four years in detentionfelt less like justice and more like a political calculation that had finally run its course.

Contrast this with the treatment of Abubakar Malami, who served as Attorney‑General and Minister of Justice from 2015 to 2023. In 2025, Malami was arrested by the EFCC on allegations ranging from corruption and acquisition of exotic properties to terrorism‑related offences and illegal possession of firearms.

The irony is unmistakable. Malami was the chief law officer who authorised and supervised the prosecution of Dasuki. He wielded the machinery of state prosecution against perceived opponents for eight years. Now he sits where they once saton the receiving end of the same system he helped to shape.

Yet there is a crucial difference. Within two months, Malami was granted bail by both the EFCC and the DSS. There were no sensational media trials. No re‑arrests after meeting bail conditions. No presidential declarations that he would remain detained regardless of court orders. Whatever one thinks of the current administrations handling of the matter, the contrast with the Dasuki precedent is stark.

The Buhari administrations disregard for due process extended beyond political opponents. On June 9, 2016, the Nigerian Army summarily retired 38 senior officersnine major generals, eleven brigadier generals, seven colonels, and eleven lieutenant colonels. They learned of their retirement through the media. Despite vague allegations of professional corruption, none was formally accused, charged, or tried under military law.

These were decorated officers. Colonel Mohammed Suleiman had foiled a Boko Haram attack on Aso Rock. Colonel Danladi Hassan had led troops in reclaiming territories, while Lt. Colonel Mohammed Abdulfatai commanded a special counterinsurgency operation in Konduga that resulted in the elimination of more than 200 terrorists in December 2014. Yet they were dismissed without the dignity of a fair hearing.

The National Industrial Court ruled six times that the retirements were unlawful and ordered reinstatement with full benefits. The Senate and House of Representatives reached the same conclusion. The Army ignored them all. One officer, Ojebo Ochankpa, died in 2017 still awaiting justice.

Nearly a decade later, most remain unreinstatedvindicated by every court, yet denied the justice those courts prescribed.

This is the legacy of the administration that Malami served and defended. By any honest measure, it was one of the most lawless periods in Nigerias democratic history.

While we must insist that Malami receive the fair trial that Dasuki was denied, we must also demand accountability for those who orchestrated the abuses of the pastnot through fresh lawlessness, but through the very institutions they once undermined.

What you do unto others shall be done unto you. The real question is whether, this time, we will do it better.

Yushau A. Shuaib is the author of “An Encounter with the Spymaster” Email: yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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The fear of Trump is not the beginning of wisdom. But it is time to tread carefully, with clear eyes and a steady hand.

As a child, whenever I refused to eat or take bitter traditional medicine, my mother would threaten to call Werekacithe unstable and aggressive man who lived at the end of our street. The fear alone was enough to make me comply instantly. I simply obeyed anything out of fear.

Years later, I have come to recognise that Werekaci has many faceson social media, in political spaces, and sometimes in the corridors of global power. The psychology remains the same: invoke a frightening name and watch people abandon their better judgment.
It is through this prism that I now view the growing anxiety in certain Nigerian circles over the posture of United States President Donald Trump toward Nigeriaand the implications this anxiety may have for our 2027 general elections.

Recently, after publishing a series of opinion articles challenging the so-called Christian genocide narrative promoted by separatist advocates and ethno-religious agitators, my social media pages were flooded with coordinated hostility. Within less than an hour of one post, more than 500 abusive comments appearedattacking not only me but also my family, culture, faith, region and even my country.

Some thoughtful readers later pointed out that most of the accounts were fake, bots and faceless handles with no real constituency. Since then, I have adopted a simple rule: I welcome criticism from people of reason, but I delete reckless and bad-faith attacks from extremists.

The same psychology of manipulation appears to be shaping parts of the discourse around Nigeria and President Trump, whose derogatory remarks about our country are well-documented. In earlier writings, I addressed several of these claims, particularly his repeated references to protecting Nigerian Christians without acknowledging Muslim victims of violence. What is troubling is that some Nigerians now amplify such narratives for domestic political advantage.

When American forces reportedly launched a strike in Sokoto on the eve of Christmas, Trump quickly addressed a Christian audience, invoking what he claimed he could do. Yet Sokoto is neither the epicentre of terrorism nor a major banditry hotspot in Nigeria. The target appeared deliberately symbolic because of its Islamic heritage.

So far, the Nigerian government has gone to extraordinary lengths to placate Washington. Officials have repeatedly shuttled to the United States, hosted American lawmakers in Nigeria, and spent substantial sums on U.S. lobbying firms. Nigeria has also conceded ground on arms-procurement decisions, facilitated the release of Catholic schoolchildren, and even allowed American troops to operate on its soilan unprecedented development in our history. Yet the so-called Christian-genocide campaign has continued to resurface.

Then, on Wednesday, March 4, 2026, as Muslims were leaving a mosque after breaking their Ramadan fast in Ngoshe, Borno State, terrorists slaughtered the Imam and several worshippers while abducting more than 100 women and children. There was no comparable outcrynot from American lawmakers and certainly not from President Trump. The silence was both deafening and revealing: the tragedy simply did not fit the narrative being promoted. But the truth remains clearMuslim lives, to them, appear not to matter.

Meanwhile, among the most reckless accusations circulating on my posts is the claim that Muslims are complicit in terrorism. I do not dignify such claims with extended debate. Long before Boko Haram became a household name, I had written extensively condemning those who falsely invoke Islam to justify violence. These writings appeared in major Nigerian newspapers.

During the ethno-religious conflicts that spread from Maiduguri to Onitsha in 2006, precisely twenty years ago, one of my articles titled Killing in the Name of the Devil appeared in national newspapers, including The Punch, Leadership, Daily Sun, Vanguard, Financial Standard, Daily Trust, and Daily Champion, among others. The article remains accessible on my blog, yashuaib.com, complete with the publication dates.

Over the years, I have written about Boko Haram, banditry, and the Nigerian states failures in counter-terrorismalways as a proud Northern Muslim guided by the Quranic injunction that states: Fear a tumult which will affect not only those who caused it, but also the innocent among you. (Quran 8:25).

Ironically, when I criticise my own people, some critics cheer me. But the moment I point out similar flaws in theirs, those cheers quickly turn into outrage. I have never been hypocritical on this matter. I do not tolerate bullying whether institutional, political, or digitaland I do not argue with fools.

Northerners, contrary to certain stereotypes, are far more tolerant than the fanatics often portrayed in social media debates. The behaviour of a divisive minority should not be mistaken for the character of the majority.

General Theophilus Danjuma, for instance, is widely respected in the North for championing a united Nigeria where all citizens are equal regardless of faith or ethnicity. Similarly, when Abubakar Badaru, a Muslim from Jigawa, was replaced as Defence Minister by General Christopher Musa, a Christian from Kaduna, mainstream Northern opinionincluding Islamic clericswelcomed the development. This acceptance was particularly strong in Sokoto and Maiduguri, where Musa had previously lived, served with distinction and protected civilian lives, leading to the surrender or neutralisation of thousands of terrorists under his watch.

Following recent global events, some commentators have interpreted the U.S.Israel strikes on Iran as a warning for Northern Nigeria, even urging President Trump to oppose Sharia law and Muslim-Muslim tickets. While the Middle East conflict has been widely condemned by several global powers, these critics continue to frame the issue through a simplistic us versus them narrative.

They also overlook a geopolitical reality: Irans isolation was partly worsened by the silence of several neighbouring Arab Muslim states, who either ignored the attack on a fellow Muslim nationthough a non-Arab oneor appeared aligned with the aggressors. Ironically, the critics also ignore a demographic fact: Iran today has a larger Christian population than Israel.

Some commentators further argue that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu may be cautious about provoking Donald Trump, citing the pressure Washington has exerted on countries such as Iran and Venezuela. They therefore predict a possible political adjustment within the Presidency, including speculation that Trump might urge Tinubu to reconsider the current joint ticket ahead of the 2027 elections.

While it would be unfair to deny Vice President Kashim Shettima the continuity enjoyed by his predecessors, Nigerias political choices must remain sovereign. One point must also be stated plainly: if Shettima must be compelled to sacrifice his position under foreign pressure, President Tinubu should ensure that any adjustment does not deepen the already glaring imbalance in federal appointments.

Today, several key institutions in Nigerias economic and financial system are disproportionately led by individuals from one geopolitical zoneand largely from one religious background. The Ministry of Finance, the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS/NRS), PenCom, NDIC, EFCC, NAICOM, AMCON, the Bank of Agriculture, and the Bank of Industry (BOI) are not minor posts. They represent the commanding heights of the national economy.

When leadership of these institutions tilts toward Yorubanisation or Christianisation, it becomes more than a matter of opticsit begins to strain the fragile social contract upon which Nigerias unity rests.

The Igbo, who also feel excluded from sensitive and lucrative positions, must likewise be considered in any recalibration aimed at strengthening national cohesion.

The global communityincluding sections of the American public itselfis increasingly realising that fear of Trump is not the beginning of wisdom. It may well be the beginning of capitulation.

Nigeria must resist the temptation to organise its internal politics around the moods of a foreign leader. We must engage Washington where necessary, push back where appropriate, and above all ensure that our national decisionsincluding decisions about who leads us in 2027are made in Abuja, not in Mar-a-Lago.

Werekaci may be loud. But he does not live here.

Yushau A. Shuaib is the author of An Encounter with the Spymaster. He writes from yashuaib@yashuaib.com.

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Disu has saved many lives, especially those of youths and young graduates, who could have found themselves either as victims or engaged in fraud and other criminal activities.

Those words were not written today. They are a direct quote from my August 2021 article, Abba Kyari: The Celebrated Super Cop and the Unsung Heroes.In that piece, I examined the meteoric rise of Abba Kyaria man whose celebrity status, amplified by media hype and institutional indulgence, ultimately became his undoing. I argued then that fame and public adulation, when not tempered by institutional discipline, can become a dangerous liability for any security officer.

In contrast to the Super Cop phenomenon, I highlighted a cadre of Unsung Heroesofficers who carried out high‑stakes, dangerous operations with quiet efficiency and no appetite for publicity. Among them were AIG Bala Ciroma, known for discreet but effective interventions; CSP Olabisi Davies, a disciplinarian female DPO who patrolled at night and rehabilitated young offenders; DCP Kolo Yusuf, who captured over 100 kidnappers yet declined award nominations, recommending his junior officers instead; twin officers Hassan and Hussaini Gimba, famed for expert interrogations and recovering sophisticated weapons from bandits; and a then‑DCP Tunji Disu, who had emerged as Kyaris successor at the Intelligence Response Team (IRT). Disus approach was defined not by media theatrics but by preventive impactsaving young people from drifting into crime rather than amplifying his exploits.

Today, as Tunji Rilwan Disu assumes office as Acting Inspector‑General of Police, and as public debate swirls around the fate of DIG Frank Mbathe most senior Deputy Inspector‑Generalit is necessary, from a public relations standpoint, to offer context.

It is a remarkable coincidence that both Tunji Disu and Frank Mba joined the Nigeria Police Force on the same day: May 18, 1992. Both men represent a rare breed of scholar‑practitionersofficers who have balanced the rigours of operational command with serious academic pursuit.

Disu is not merely an operational tactician; he is also a trained martial artist and a disciplined strategist. His academic profile includes an MSc in Entrepreneurship (2023), an MSc in Criminology and Security Studies (2022), and a Bachelors degree in English Education (1990). His assignments have ranged from transforming the Lagos RRS into a model anti‑crime unit, to leading the Intelligence Response Team after Kyaris suspension, to serving as Commissioner of Police in Rivers State and the FCT, and most recently as AIG in charge of the Force CID Annex, Alagbon.

Frank Mbas academic trajectory is equally formidable: an LLB (Hons) from the University of Lagos, an LLM from the University of Dundee, his call to the Nigerian Bar in 2002, and a recently defended PhD thesis at the University of Ibadan. He served three times as Force PRO and held key operational roles including Commissioner of Police in Ogun State and the Border Patrol Force, as well as AIG at the FCID Annex. His international service in the United Nations Peacekeeping Mission in Liberia earned him a UN Medal.

My professional relationship with Frank Mba dates back to the formative days of the Forum of Security and Response Agencies (FOSSRA), established in 2013 under the Office of the National Security Adviser, then chaired by Major General Chris Olukolade (Rtd). At that time, inter‑agency rivalryparticularly between the police, the military, and the NSCDCoften resulted in conflicting public narratives during national crises.

It was Mba, as Force Public Relations Officer, alongside interventions from then‑Customs spokesperson (now Comptroller‑General) Adewale Adeniyi, who helped align institutional messaging. For a period, security agencies spoke with one voice during national emergenciesa rare but reassuring development in Nigerias security communication landscape.

Beyond his intellectual depth, Mba is disarmingly humorousa trait that often diffuses tension in difficult moments. During my own challenging period at NIPSS, he showed quiet concern and support. I have never perceived him as driven by reckless ambition. If anything, he understood the weight of perception in public service.

My first encounter with the new IGP Disu began on a somber note in 2017. I watched him handle a disturbing case in Lagos, where a group of innocent young men were on the verge of being framed for an offence they knew nothing about while he served as Commander of the Rapid Response Squad (RRS). Disu did not merely order an investigation; he took a bold personal risk to protect them and later spent his own resources to rehabilitate their lives. The then spokesperson to Governor Akinwunmi Ambode, Habib Haruna Life, was fully aware of those interventions and humanitarian gestures. It is therefore unsurprising that many beneficiaries of his quiet benevolencewithin Nigeria and abroadhave been reaching out to express their gratitude following his elevation.

Since his decoration, IGP Disu has signalled a reform agenda anchored on discipline and human rights. His rise is a testament to the fact that one does not need to be a Super Cop on social media to become the First Cop of the nation.

In the world of Public Relations, we believe that the brand of an institution is only as strong as the unity of its leadership. As Disu takes the reins, a question lingers about the seniority of DIG Frank Mba and other coursemates.

In some quarters, a narrative of over‑ambition is being projected onto Mba. From my vantage point, this is far from the truth. Both men are professionals who have served the Republic with distinction. However, in the tradition of the Force, when a junior or a peer is elevated to the pinnacle, veterans often consider leaving the stage while the ovation is loudest. This is not a sign of failure but a mark of ultimate sacrifice for institutional harmony. Whether Mba continues to serve under this new dispensation or seeks a new horizon, his legacy as Nigerias most effective communicator in uniform is already secure.

IGP Disu has the vision; he now needs the support of his peers to translate that vision into a safer Nigeria. He has already signalled a reform agenda centred on discipline, human rights compliance, and anti‑corruption measures. For that agenda to succeed, he will require not only the cooperation of subordinates but the goodwill of peers and seniors alike.

Institutional maturity demands that when the ovation is modest, one exits with dignityand when leadership beckons, one accepts with humility. The challenge now is not who rises or who retires. It is whether the institution rises above ego, perception, and speculation.

Yushau A. Shuaib is the author of* “An Encounter with the Spymaster “and can be reached via yashuaib@yashuaib.com.

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From time to time, I retreat into the fond memories of my youth in Delta State. Between 1992 and 1993, I served in Asaba as a member of the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC)a predominantly Christian community. In those days, faith was practised with dignity, confidence, and mutual respect. We did not merely observe our religious obligations; we lived them openly, without fear or suspicion.

During Ramadan, we undertook Islamic propagation across rural communities. It was a season of purpose and conviction. Kabir Alabi Garbanow the Weekend Editor of The Guardian newspaperswas then the Leader of the Muslim Corpers Association of Nigeria (MCAN) in Delta State. Comrade Muhammad Haruna Ibrahim, today the National President of the Senior Staff Association of Nigerian Universities (SSANU), was among the active members. So too was Hon. Muktar Aliyu Betara, now one of Nigerias longest-serving federal lawmakers.

We moved from village to village with copies of the Holy Quran. I still recall the curiosity of villagers encountering it for the first time. Some affectionately described it as the Hausa Bible. Yet many were captivated by the poetic cadence of Yusuf Alis English translation, and some embraced Islam not out of coercion, but conviction.

One memory remains especially poignant. On Sallah day, the late Asagba of Asaba, His Royal Highness Prof. Chike Edozien, hosted a feast for Muslim corpers. He welcomed us warmly, his table adorned with delicaciesincluding exotic wines. Alcohol is forbidden in Islam, but we handled the moment with courtesy and maturity. We honoured his hospitality while observing our faith. There was no tension, no outrage, no viral commentary. In that eradevoid of smartphones and social media toxicitylife was defined by civility and coexistence. Inter-ethnic marriages among corpers were not only common; they were celebrated.

Three decades later, the atmosphere feels different. Today, a harmless opinion can provoke hostility so sharp that one can often predict the critics background merely by their name. The ethno-religious fault lines are so taut that some now openly fantasise about separationas though fragmentation will magically deliver peace. We see the tragic consequences of such divisions in parts of Kaduna and Jos, where invisible walls now separate communities that once lived as neighbours.

Yet, at this very moment, Muslims and Christians across the world are simultaneously immersed in sacred seasonsRamadan and Lent. More than three billion people are engaged in prayer, fasting, and repentance. Separated by theology, yet united by a common human longing: to draw closer to the Creator through discipline and sacrifice.

Ramadan, the ninth month of the Islamic lunar calendar, commemorates the revelation of the Holy Quran to Prophet Muhammad (SAW). Lent, the forty-day Christian observance preceding Easter, recalls the fasting and temptation of Jesus Christ in the wilderness.

Muslims fast daily from Suhoor (dawn) to Iftar (sunset), abstaining from food, drink, and negative conduct. Christians observe fasting, almsgiving, and abstinence, marked by Ash Wednesdaya solemn reminder of human mortality and repentance.

Ramadan cultivates TaqwaGod-consciousnessculminating in Laylat al-Qadr, the Night of Power, before Eid al-Fitr. Lent calls believers to Metanoiaa transformative turning back to Godleading to Easter, the celebration of resurrection and hope.

For both traditions, hunger is not punishment; it is purification. It strips away distractions and awakens compassion for the vulnerable.

These practices are rooted in a shared prophetic heritage. Abraham fasted. Moses fasted. Jesus fasted. Muhammad fasted. The message across centuries is consistent: voluntary restraint strengthens the soul. The body becomes a bridge to the Divine.

Interfaith unity does not require theological uniformity. It requires recognition of sincerity. Ramadan and Lent are not rivals; they are companionstwo rivers flowing along different paths toward the same vast ocean of Divine Mercy.

The Quran reminds us: O humanity! Indeed, We created you from a male and a female and made you into peoples and tribes so that you may know one another. (Quran 49:13)

And the Bible commands: Love one another as I have loved you. (John 15:12)

If we can carry the humility of fasting, the empathy born of hunger, and the discipline of prayer beyond our mosques and churches, perhaps we can rediscover the Nigeria I knew in 1992-93a country where faith built bridges rather than barriers.

Ramadan and Lent invite us back to that possibility.

Yushau A. Shuaib
Author of An Encounter with the Spymaster
yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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I write this with deep concernnot anger, but concernover what increasingly appears to be a troubling pattern in the posture of the United States under President Donald Trump toward Nigeria, particularly its Muslim communities and northern leadership.

Since Trumps return to office, a narrative has steadily gathered momentum in Washington: that Nigeria is a theatre of Christian genocide, orchestrated or tolerated by Muslim political actors. It is a grave allegation. It is also one that many credible Nigerian authorities, religious leaders, security experts, and independent analysts have consistently challenged as simplistic, selective, and dangerously misleading.

Nigerias security crisis is real. Terrorism, banditry, communal clashes, and criminal violence have devastated communitiesMuslim and Christian alikein Borno, Zamfara, Niger, Benue, Plateau, Kaduna and beyond. But to reduce this complex web of criminality, governance failure, climate pressure, and arms proliferation into a one-dimensional religious war is not analysis; it is advocacy.

The genesis of this framing can be traced to lobbying efforts and reports amplified in foreign policy circlessome originating from discredited advocacy groups, whose data and claims have been publicly questioned by investigative journalists. Yet, these narratives have found fertile ground among certain US lawmakers and religious pressure blocs eager to fit Nigeria into a broader global persecution template.

President Trumps earlier designation of Nigeria as a Country of Particular Concern (CPC) over alleged religious persecution was controversial. The redesignation months later reinforced the perception that Washington had settled on a narrative, regardless of Nigerias internal complexities.

Driven by this ill-informed framing, Trump ordered a Christmas Day airstrike on Sokotohistorically the seat of Nigerias Islamic Caliphateas a symbolic gesture aimed at appeasing his Christian constituency. The strike occurred despite Sokoto being neither an epicentre of terrorism nor banditry. The Muslims did not protest the deliberate provocation, even after discovering that local collaborators were feeding Americans the so-called ‘Christian genocide’ narrative as a strategic ploy to influence Nigeria’s 2027 presidential tickets.

Now comes the introduction of the Nigeria Religious Freedom and Accountability Act of 2026 by US lawmakers Chris Smith, Riley Moore, Brian Mast, Mario Diaz-Balart, and Bill Huizenga. The bill seeks sanctionsincluding visa bans and asset freezesagainst former Kano State Governor Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso and certain Fulani-affiliated groups such as the Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association of Nigeria (MACBAN) and Miyetti Allah Kautal Hore.

More disturbingly, the legislation appears designed to pave the way for categorising Muslim political leaders as well as Fulani-ethnic nomad militias as foreign terrorist organisations.

It is so worrisome to scandalise a prominent political figure like Kwankwasoa Muslim who is not known as a religious extremiston the eve of his alignment ahead of Nigerias upcoming presidential election is deeply scandalous. Equally dangerous is the attempt to criminalise an entire ethnic identity under the sweeping label of Fulani militia, setting a perilous precedent.

Criminal elements exist across all ethnic and religious lines in Nigeria. But the Fulani, like the Igbo, Yoruba, Tiv, Kanuri, Ijaw or any other group, are a diverse population numbering in the millions. Collective blame is not justice; it is profiling.

Nigeria has welcomed increased U.S. military engagement, with AFRICOM officials meeting Nigerian security leaders and American troops now permitted to operate in the country. The government has also invested millions of dollars in diplomatic outreach and strategic lobbying. Yet the shift from partnership to punitive labelling raises an uncomfortable question: what exactly is Washington seeking?

And more importantly, what does Trumps new posture mean for Nigerians, Muslims and non-Muslims alike? Should it push us toward suspicion of one another or toward questioning the motives behind externally driven narratives, including those shaped by controversial reports from certain advocacy groups, especially the Onitsha-based Intersociety operated by a screwdriver salesman and other IPOB platforms?

If the concern is truly religious freedom, then policy must be anchored in verifiable evidence, not selective outrage. Terrorisms epicentresBorno under Boko Haram, Zamfara under banditry networks, Niger under insurgent infiltrationdo not fit neatly into a Christian-versus-Muslim binary. Victims in these theatres include imams, pastors, farmers, traders, and children of every faith.

As I reflected in my previous articles, the narrative that Nigerias Muslims are collectively complicit in anti-Christian persecution is not only inaccurate; it is inflammatory. It risks deepening mistrust within Nigerias fragile social fabric. It emboldens extremists who thrive on polarisation. And it externalises what should remain a sovereign, evidence-driven security discourse.

But sanctions based on politicised framing or fictitious advocacy-driven reports by secessionist and anti-Muslim groups undermine the credibility of international accountability mechanisms.

If President Trumps America truly seeks stability in West Africa, it must engage Nigeria in partnership, not profiling; in evidence, not emotion; in diplomacy, not designation.

Nigerias Muslims and Fulani ethnic groups do not need appeasement. They need fairness. Our country needs fact-based engagement, not fear.

Yushau A. Shuaib is the author of An Encounter with the Spymaster and Award-Winning Crisis Communication Strategies.
yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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Public debate in Nigeria is increasingly shaped not just by facts but also by emotion, identity, and organised outrage. My recent short Facebook post reacting to The New York Times (NYT) report on an Onitsha-based trader and activist triggered an avalanche of hostile responses many from individuals identifying as Igbo and largely sympathetic to IPOB and the quest for Biafra.

What shocked me was not disagreement; that is part of democratic discourse. It was the coordinated pattern of abuse, libellous language, and unrelated propaganda, even after I deleted some of the very offensive posts of online cabals. A closer look revealed what I often call social media warriors from digital pressure groups mobilised from coordinated platforms, less interested in dialogue than in silencing alternative views.

Surprisingly, my harmless Facebook post that sparked the anger was a simple paragraph, which reads: They attacked us for calling out the reckless claim of Christian genocide that painted all Muslims as guilty. Now they insist that The New York Times report on the Onitsha trader who urged an American strike on the Sokoto Caliphate is an editorial attack on Igbos. Haba! So they finally get the point.

The inciting and provocative reactions to the post underscore a deeper national tension about narrative ownership.

When U.S. President Donald Trump raised the inflammatory claim of Christian persecution and genocide in Nigeria, many Nigerians Muslims and Christians alike rejected that sweeping characterisation. The Nigerian government rejected it. Distinguished Christian voices such as Bishop Matthew Kukah warned against framing Nigerias complex insecurity through a purely religious lens.

Yet some local actors from particular sections of the country, based on their ethno-religious agitations, amplified Trumps claim, using it to cast suspicion and aspersion on Nigerian Muslims collectively, as if millions were complicit in terrorism. That dangerous generalisation, strangely, was also applauded in some quarters.

During that debate, I wrote Genocide Claim: President Trump, Ribadus Team and the Saudi Prince, arguing that Trumps claim was politically motivated, selective, and detached from Nigerias security realities. His foreign policy record including his warm relations with Saudi Arabia suggests strategic and financial calculations rather than religious solidarity. Nigerias insecurity, while grave, stems from criminality, weak governance, and socio-economic pressures, not a state-driven religious extermination.

That article, too, drew coordinated attacks. The goal appeared clear: intimidate dissent. Unfortunately for the attackers, I can’t be intimidated but laugh at their folly.

Now the debate has shifted following the New York Times report (NYT), which referenced Emeka Umeagbalasi, head of the Onitsha-based NGO Intersociety, whose claims about Christian killings reportedly influenced U.S. political conversations.

Curiously, rather than engaging with the substance of the report through a reasoned rejoinder, much of the anger on social media was directed at Taiwo Aina, the New York Times photographer credited under one of the images. She became the target of sustained online attacks because of her Yoruba name from many users who identified as Igbo.

What made their reaction even more troubling was that other journalists involved in the report Saikoh Jammeh, Dionne Searcey, Ismail Auwal, and David Chidi Eleke whose names were clearly listed, faced no comparable backlash. The selective outrage, especially against a female photojournalist whose role is largely technical and visual, says more about the emotional climate of the debate than about the report itself.

Before the NYT report, the BBC Global Disinformation Unit had investigated Intersocietys figures and found them unverified and inflated. Despite the lack of verifiable data, such claims fed into U.S. conservative political narratives and Trumps rhetoric. Independent conflict trackers such as ACLED consistently show that violence in Nigeria affects multiple communities, not Christians alone.

The BBC report noted that Intersocietys narratives are shaped by southeastern political grievances and often align with IPOB-linked activism. PRNigerias earlier independent analysis similarly observed Intersocietys shift from governance advocacy to persecution-focused messaging. That BBC investigation authored by Olaronke Alo, Chiamaka Enendu, and Ijeoma Ndukwe also attracted fierce backlash.

The pattern is troubling. When international actors portray Nigeria through a narrow religious-genocide frame, local extremists feel validated. But when global media question the credibility of those claims, it is suddenly labelled ethnic profiling.

You cannot condemn collective labelling only when it affects you.

Even more disturbing is the symbolism emerging online: viral videos of groups dressed in white garments, flanked by U.S. and Israeli flags, calling on Donald Trump and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to rescue them from Nigeria. Such appeals reflect deep frustration but also dangerous faith in foreign intervention. History shows external powers act primarily in their own interests.

Nigerias unity debate is valid, and reforms like restructuring and federalism deserve serious discussion. But misinformation, hate narratives, and appeals to foreign powers will not bring justice they only deepen mistrust.

We must ask: Who benefits from calling Nigeria a religious genocide zone? Who gains when neighbours become enemies? Who profits when foreign powers exploit our crisis?

Our insecurity is real, but it demands facts, responsible leadership, and national cohesion not propaganda and sickening fake news by enemies of our unity.

Yushau A. Shuaib
Author of ‘An Encounter with the Spymaster’
yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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I have always resisted being dragged into ethnoreligious arguments. Not because the issues are trivial, but because many of the loudest voices in such debates are not merely passionatethey are fanatical. Some are so blinded by affiliation that they excuse injustice, flirt with heresy, or even justify violence in defence of identity. In recent months, especially after U.S. President Donald Trumps inflammatory threats against Nigerian Muslims over an alleged Christian genocide in Nigeria, I found myself losing respect for some elders, friends, and colleagues. Their positions were so reckless and prejudiced that I questioned whether our long-standing relationships had ever been grounded in sincerity.

It was against this background that recent media reports jolted my memory: a Department of State Services (DSS) operative, Ifeanyi Onyewuenyi, had been arrested for allegedly abducting, raping, and forcibly converting a Muslim girl to Christianity. Instantly, my mind travelled back to 2016the traumatic case of Ese Oruru and Yunusa Dahiru, popularly known as Yellow. That episode dominated newspapers, television screens, social media timelines, and the commentary of self-styled influencers who fed hungrily on outrage.

In March 2016, precisely 10 years ago I intervened in that heated national debate with an article titled Ese Oruru: From Delta to Northern Savannah. (Link to the article:https://yashuaib.com/2016/03/ese-oruru-from-delta-creek-to-northern-savannah-by-yushau-a-shuaib/) Drawing from my positive 1992 National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) experience in Delta State, I contrasted a past era of inter-ethnic openness with the poisonous divisions that surfaced during the Ese OruruYunusa Dahiru saga. Ese, a teenage girl from Bayelsa, and Yunusa, a young Kano-born artisan living in Yenagoa, became unwilling symbols in a storm whipped up by sensationalist media, political opportunists, and religious bigots.

My argument then was simple but unpopular: what should have been treated as a grave but personal criminal matteran ill-advised and unlawful teenage elopementwas irresponsibly reframed into a national crisis of religion and ethnicity. The case was weaponised. Hypocrisy flourished. Sectarian outrage drowned nuance. And anyone who urged restraint or perspective was branded a traitor.

The facts of that case are well known. Ese Oruru, a teenager, was taken from Bayelsa to Kano by Yunusa Dahiru, who claimed to be her boyfriend. She was allegedly forced to convert to Islam and married without parental consent. Following intense public pressure, she was rescued in 2016 while pregnant. In 2020, a Federal High Court sentenced Yunusa to 26 years in prison for child trafficking and sexual exploitation. On appeal, the sentence was reduced to seven years, accounting for time already spent in custody.

What received far less attention, however, was what happened afterwards. Yunusa reportedly completed his secondary education while incarcerated and was described by the Nigerian Correctional Service as a well-behaved and reform-minded inmate and was released in 2023. Ese Oruru, on the other hand, despite the trauma and stigma, returned to school and later gained admission to the University of Ilorin, from which she graduated in 2025. These outcomes did not erase the crime, but they reminded us that justice, rehabilitation, and human recovery can coexist.

Fast-forward to the present. The DSS has confirmed the arrest of its operative, Ifeanyi Onyewuenyi, following a petition alleging that he abducted a Muslim girl, Walida Abdulhadi, kept her in a DSS residence for two years, sexually exploited her, and forcibly converted her to Christianity. According to her family, they searched desperately for Walida during this period and reportedly lost her mother to the trauma. They only learned of her whereabouts when the suspect allegedly called her father on New Years Day 2026, claiming Walida had given birth to his child and that he intended to marry her.

The familys lawyers have rightly described the case as a grave abuse of office and demanded prosecution and an independent investigation of the DSS facility involved. To its credit, the DSS confirmed the arrest, condemned the alleged conduct as a violation of its code of ethics, and announced that a full investigation is underway, with assurances that findings will be made public.

And yet, here lies the uncomfortable question: where is the outrage?

Nearly a decade ago, Nigeria erupted over the abduction and alleged forced conversion of Ese Oruru, a Christian girl, to Islam. Today, a Muslim girl is alleged to have been abducted, raped, and forcibly converted to Christianity by a state security operative. Will this case attract the same volume of condemnation? The same moral panic? The same international attention? Or will it be quietly processed because it does not fit a preferred narrative?

When I wrote in 2016, I was almost crucified for refusing to dance to the drums of sectarian hysteria. Today, faced with a disturbingly similar incident, I find myself cautiousalmost hesitantto speak, knowing how easily principled arguments can be twisted into accusations of bias.

But silence, too, is a position.

Yushau A. Shuaib is the author of An Encounter with the Spymaster and can be reached via yashuaib@yashuaib.com.

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