It is both shameful and appalling that despite the prolonged persecution of the Dasuki familyfrom the dethronement of Sultan of Sokoto, Alhaji Ibrahim Dasuki, to the harassment of his offspring under General Sani Abacha, forcing some into exile and the humiliation of Sambo Dasuki under former President Muhammadu Buharia fresh wave of media trials has resurfaced through an investigative report in a U.S. tabloid funded through grants.

The recent report titled “UNCOVERED: Power & Polo”, published by The Post and Courier examines how Aiken, South Carolina, a historic enclave for wealthy horse enthusiasts, has become a destination for international figures with controversial pasts, including those accused of money laundering and corruption.

While such investigative reports may be well-intentioned, their reliance on grants and donations often raises questions about their independence, depth, and objectivity. For instance, the report fixates on Sambo Dasuki, Nigeria’s former National Security Adviser, alleging that his purchase of Green Hill Farms in the early 2000s involved funds channeled through shell companies in the Bahamas and Hong Kong.

Aiken has long been a retreat for the wealthy, dating back to the 19th century when affluent personalities sought refuge from harsh climates and diseases. Its sandy terrain made it ideal for polo, attracting elite families. Today, it remains a hub for international horse lovers, including billionaires from Dubai, Russia, and Nigeria.

However, the narrative took a deliberate turn when the report linked Dasuki to Aiken, stating that he purchased Green Hill Farms in 2002 (23 years ago) for $950,000 in an apparent cash deal, allegedly raising red flags regarding the transaction’s legitimacy. The report also claimed that his wife, Farida, attempted to secure an EB-5 “golden visa” by asserting that the farm would be used for a horse-breeding businessa request allegedly denied due to questions surrounding the source of funds. Nowhere in the report, however, was it stated that Dasuki or his family faced any formal investigation regarding the purchase.

How does a legitimate business transaction from 23 years agonearly a decade before Dasuki was appointed National Security Adviser (NSA)suddenly become breaking news, especially when no U.S. authority is probing it?

What is particularly troubling is the deliberate attempt to link this 2002 transaction to Dasukis 2015 arrest in Nigeria, where he was accused of embezzling $2.1 billion meant to combat Boko Haram. This tenuous connection, spanning over a decade, is misleading and reeks of sensationalism and calculated mischief.

Surprisingly, other media outlets latched onto that angle and further distorted the story, cherry-picking sensational elements to attract readership. The entire report appears to be a rehash of the long-standing persecution of Sambo Dasuki and his family through media trials.

The reports biases are glaring. It uses derogatory language to describe Sultan Ibrahim Dasuki, a respected public figure, distinguished diplomat, and successful businessman who passed away in 2016 at the age of 92. Including the name of the Sultan appears to be an attempt to tarnish his legacy.

It is necessary to highlight that Sultan Ibrahim Dasuki was a multimillionaire industrialist, banker, and philanthropist who played pivotal roles in Nigerias political, religious, and business spheres.

A report from The Los Angeles Times (May 14, 1991) titled “The Sultan of Sokoto Bridges Two Worlds in Nigeria” described him as “a millionaire industrialist and banker.” Educated at Barewa College and Oxford University, he served as a private secretary to Sir Ahmadu Bello, was a Nigerian diplomat in Sudan and Germany, and chaired Nigeria Railways before founding BCCI Nigeria. He held a significant religious role as Secretary-General of the Nigerian Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs. He was also known as a collector of rare cars and a breeder of racing and polo horses.

Additionally, The Los Angeles Times noted how, in the early 1990s, Sultan Dasuki personally funded a $2.5 million modernization of the Sokoto palace. This underscores the established wealth of the Dasuki family. The Dasuki lineage includes politicians, public administrators, and successful businesspeople in telecommunications, real estate, shipping, and oil and gas industries.

Yet, the report deliberately ignores these facts, focusing on unverified allegations. If the investigators lacked the resources to travel to Nigeria, they could have conducted thorough research to provide a balanced perspective. Beyond ethical and quality concerns, the investigation lacked thoroughness, as it relied on hearsay regarding Boko Harams risewhich began about a decade after the alleged farm purchase.

When Dasuki became National Security Adviser in 2012, the Boko Haram insurgency was at its peak, yet Western powers offered little assistance. It is public knowledge that the U.S. and its allies hindered President Goodluck Jonathan’s counterterrorism efforts, refusing to sell arms to Nigeria under the guise of human rights concerns. This lack of support contributed to Jonathan’s political downfall, paving the way for a new government.

Rather than governing effectively, the new administration launched a selective anti-corruption campaign that demonized opposition figures while shielding its own supporters. The so-called Dasukigate scandal became a tool for political persecution, with campaign financiers of the ruling party granted immunity while opposition figures faced relentless prosecution.

The reports limited scope and depth further demonstrate its bias. It fails to address the broader context of Dasukis tenure as NSA. Despite challenges, under Dasukis leadership, the Nigerian military successfully reclaimed more than two dozen towns and communities from Boko Haram. Available records confirm the liberation of numerous cities across Adamawa, Borno, and Yobe States, including Abadam, Askira, Baga, Bama, Bara, Buni Yadi, Damboa, Dikwa, Gamboru-Ngala, Goniri, Gujba, Gulag, Gulani, Gwoza, Hong, Kala Balge, Konduga, Kukawa, Marte, Madagali, Michika, Monguno, Mubi, and Vimtim. Pictorial and video evidence of these military successes, including the rescue of 234 abductees from Sambisa Forest on April 30, 2015, remain publicly available.

While foreign military instructors, often derisively labelled mercenaries, contributed to these victories, the Nigerian militarys achievements were undeniable. Unfortunately, rather than sustaining these gains, the new administration abandoned crucial security agreements, leading to the resurgence of armed banditry and insurgency in the North-West and North-Central regions. Today, once peaceful states, such as Zamfara, Katsina, Sokoto, Kaduna, and Niger, have become epicentres of terrorisma situation far less pronounced under Dasukis leadership.

As the $2.1 billion Dasukigate case remains in court, one can only hope that the Tinubu administration allows the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), under its current chairman, Olanipekun Olukoyede, to expose the corruption of past administrations. If properly investigated, the alleged anti-corruption fight of the previous government will be revealed for what it was: a targeted assault on political opponents while shielding allies from accountability.

The disjointed narrative of The Post and Courier, the U.S. tabloidpresented in the “UNCOVERED: Power & Polo” report, is a disservice to journalism and a blatant attempt to rewrite history. It is high time we moved beyond media trials and focused on facts, fairness, and the pursuit of justice. Like Nigeria’s history, the Dasuki familys legacy deserves to be treated with respect and integrity.

Yushau A. Shuaib is the Author of An Encounter with the Spymaster yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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The title of this article was the exact question posed by a senior security official at an informal breakfast in August. It was at a time when speculations were rife that Chief Femi Fani-Kayode would defect to the All-Progressives Congress (APC) from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

I have always referred to Femi Fani-Kayode (FFK) as a “Fire-for-Fire” advocate, since February 2004 when I wrote a rejoinder to his unacceptable public outburst while he was Special Adviser on Public Affairs to the then President Olusegun Obasanjo. My rejoinder exposed the loophole in a statement Fani-Kayode had issued against Colonel Dangiwa Umar, a former military administrator of Kaduna State, and General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida (IBB), over an issue they had with Obasanjo.

In the article, which was widely published and titled, PR Analysis of Fani-Kayodes Rejoinder on Dangiwa Umar, ( Read https://yashuaib.com/2004/02/pr-analysis-of-fani-kayodes-rejoinder-on-dangiwa-umar/), I had criticised him for using high-sounding, derogatory expressions, such as pathological liar, treachery, ingratitude, destructive fake, suffer a form of delusion of grandeur and misguided sense of self-importance, among others, against the subjects of his diatribe.

While appealing to ethics and utilising the tools of PR to counter his approach, I offered crucial advice to Fani-Kayode. I insisted that a successful publicist is not judged by the power of his/her oratory, expensive regalia and appearance with bodyguards, but by the ability to analyse issues critically, and not in a manner thats so vitriolic and disagreeable even when pushing an issue he or she is so passionate about. I added that amiability, humility and openness to criticisms, are not weaknesses but attributes of a good communicator who equally has a clear mission.

With his combative postures and bombastic public engagements, Fani-Kayode has continued to remain relevant, meeting the right people at the right time, and making the right connections for the right appointments.

Born on October 16, 1960, and named David Oluwafemi Abdulateef Fani-Kayode, he had most of his schooling in Britain. After serving as Chief Press Secretary to the first national chairman of the National Republican Convention (NRC), Chief Tom Ikimi in 1990, he was appointed Special Assistant to Alhaji Umaru Shinkafi, a former head of the Nigerian Security Organisation (NSO).

Thereafter, President Olusegun Obasanjo appointed him as his Special Assistant on Public Affairs in 2003, before he was elevated to the post of Minister of Culture and Tourism, and later as the Minister of Aviation in 2006.

FFK was a member of the PDP until 2013 when he defected to the APC as a founding member. In that initial role, he constituted a continuous thorn in the side of the administration of President Goodluck Jonathan. However, he returned to the PDP in June 2014 to become the spokesperson for Jonathans re-election campaign till 2015.

When his party lost in the presidential election and was hounded by the newer administration, FFK refused to be intimidated. He constantly pushed back and railed against President Buhari, top APC members and the government, taking them to the cleaners for their various perceived unethical acts. His choice of words in tackling those in power was as mercilessly as it was venomous.

Meanwhile, in responding to the enquiry by the senior security source earlier mentioned, I pointed out that FFK had cordial relationships with the detained leaders of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), Nnamdi Kanu, and of the Yoruba Nation, Sunday Igboho. I equally emphasised that although the two men are the prominent faces of the secessionist agitation in Nigeria today, they yet have stronger sympathisers and supporters within and outside government.

In some of FFKs engagements with the agitators, he seemed to affirm and encourage their divisive and inciting rhetoric, particularly in terms of the purported Fulanisation, Arewanization and Islamisation agenda of Northerners in Nigeria.

Therefore, I expressed doubt about the possibility of the acceptance of Fani-Kayode into APC by President Buhari and the party stalwarts. I nevertheless mentioned my strong belief that if FFK genuinely renounces his essentialist, if not bigoted, ethnic and religious outlook, he has the potential to add value to political and social stability, in a manner that enhances national security.

A few weeks after the breakfast talk, FFK did not only decamp to APC but was received through a red carpet reception at the Presidential Villa, Abuja, when the APC caretaker chairman, Governor Mala Buni of Yobe State, alongside Bello Matawalle of Zamfara State presented him to President Buhari.

The reception was also greeted with wild attacks across Nigerias political spectrum. Surprisingly, the majority of those condemning Fani-Kayode for decamping to APC now were the same ones commending him then when he was attacking the North, its leaders and the Buhari administration. Some of his attackers have been politicians, public commentators, and secessionist campaigners of the outlawed IPOB and Yoruba Nation groups.

The politics of decamping and defection in Nigeria is nothing new. Even though some observers pointed out that Fani-Kayode had abused, insulted, and disparaged everyone indiscriminately, this could be likewise said of other noteworthy politicians like Asiwaju Ahmed Tinubu and Mallam Nasir El-rufai at different occasions in the past, who had vented their rage against General Buhari in disturbingly unprintable language, before they also swallowed their vomit and set up a political company with him in the same party.

Yet, unlike others, the central question being considered by many is actually what value Fani-Kayode could add to the Buhari administration at this point, which made the red carpet to be rolled out to him as he jumped ship into the APC.

Speaking with journalists after his meeting with President Buhari, FFK said it was time for him to cross over to join hands with the Head of State in moving Nigeria forward. He added that Nigerians must remain united to salvage the country from the stranglehold of those bent on destroying its progress. He also advised Nigerians not to allow any person or group to divide them or enable the disintegration of the country.

As Fani-Kayode put it: The point is that I felt it was time to do the right thing, to put Nigeria first. When the time is right, we change direction to join forces and join hands to move the country forward. Doing this doesnt mean we are enemies to anybody. Even if we are in another party, the PDP or any other party or group, we can still work together across party, regional, ethnic or religious lines.

Sounding quite reflective, he continued: We must remain one as a nation, and build bridges, work together to move the country forward. The most important thing is for us to understand the fact that Nigeria must not disintegrate and those that want us to end up fighting one another in a war will be put to shame.

My take on Fani-Kayode’s defection from the PDP to APC is not so much about the morality or otherwise of his carpet crossing, but the genuineness of his proclaimed political rebirth from being a highly divisive actor, who had championed an incendiary brand of politics anchored around ethnic and religious identification, to one promoting national unity, tolerance and peaceful coexistence.

To his credit, before his eventual defection to APC, he was noted to have worked closely with some key players in the APC, including Governor Yahaya Bello of Kogi, in resolving some ethnoreligious conflicts in some states of the country.

I can only sincerely hope his better angels take charge this time around, to enable the role of a real bridge-builder rallying together many aggrieved stakeholders of the Nigeria project to work towards the socio-economic and political stability of our nation, which he is eminently qualified to play if he is so sincerely inspired.

By the way, I learn that beyond being Yoruba and Pentecostal Christian, FFK has Muslim and Fulani roots, and hence major traces of the Nigerian diversity, which he ought to be deeply concerned about promoting our national unity in ensuring national security of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

Yushau A. Shuaib is the author of ‘A Dozen Tips for Media Relations’
www.YAShuaib.com, yashuaib@yahoo.com

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In public relations practice, decision-making processes on an issue and crisis management are always the toughest before any act of communication can be effectively executed.

Unlike journalism that feasts on bad news, which is what sells, the tradition of public relations or PR is to engage in ‘damage control’ through effective crisis communication strategies.

The key to successfully navigating a crisis is through preparation and teamwork, as the communicator needs a fast and carefully crafted response to minimise damage and prevent reputational erosion.

I was not only alarmed but I have been deeply concerned about some recent statements by the Presidency, particularly through its spokespersons, Mr. Femi Adesina and Mallam Garba Shehu, who have both incidentally served as Presidents of the Nigeria Guild of Editors (NGE) in the recent past.

Some of their reactive statements to issues could essentially be described as journalistic, for the predilection towards making news headlines, and these have been quite disturbingly below the standards of PR, which tend towards demonstrating empathy, employing diplomacy and forestalling the attrition of relationships, when responding to issues of deep concern.

The recent statements by the Presidency over what they considered as the unsavoury comments of Father Ejike Mbaka, alongside the reaction to allegations of the past extreme views of Dr. Isa Pantami, the Minister of Communication and Digital Economy, are teachable instances of how not to engage in public communication. If anything, they can both be said to have been hasty in their conception and execution, and ultimately needless.

Dr. Pantami, an Islamic cleric as well as an ICT scholar, was alleged to have proffered extremist views in the past while describing some religious extremists as “fellow Muslims,” and praising the leadership of Al Qaeda in a video. Another report claimed that Dr. Pantami had chaired a meeting in a North-Eastern state in Nigeria, which had sat to plan an attack on a Christian governor in the North-West of the country.

While Pantami has come out to blame immaturity, ignorance, and a lack of exposure to global politics for some of the opinions he expressed over a decade ago, he has equally expressed regrets for those once-held views and recanted on them, while denying some other untoward allegations made about him. In seeming solidarity to his plight, the Kaduna Chapter of the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) and the Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs (NSCIA), among other groups, have faulted some of the allegations levelled against the Minister.

While some commentators called for his resignation, others have tempered this by pointing out that Dr. Pantami has rather being at the receiving end of intolerance for condemning the evil ideology of Boko Haram leaders, including the founder of the group, Mohammed Yusuf, in a debate. His criticisms of terrorism had made the commander of Boko Haram, Abubakar Shekau, to subsequently threaten Dr. Pantami with death in a series of audio and video recordings that are available on the Internet.

The otherwise swift response of the Presidency to the allegations made against the Minister can be faulted as being fairly hasty and unduly defensive. While one may be uncomfortable with some of Pantami’s past remarks, and his earlier advice that clerics should shun public office, it is an undeniable fact that he remains one of the most focused, result-oriented and charismatic Ministers in the current dispensation. He is a round peg in a round hole, in terms of professional competence in the sector he oversees.

The points in the presidential statement released in Pantami’s defence could have been highlighted by third parties and beneficiaries of some of the projects he has executed in office. It is without controversy that within the past two years, Pantami as the Minister in charge of ICT in the country, has ensured the implementation of digital projects nationwide, including the creation of ICT Innovation Hubs, the enabling of the acquisition of digital skills for entrepreneurs and innovators, alongside the setting up of Community IT Training Centres, Tertiary Institution Knowledge Centres (TIKC), and School Knowledge Centres (SKC). Also, the commissioning of more Emergency Communication Centres (ECC) across Nigeria, the downward review on Right of Way Charges for improving broadband penetration in states; the mandatory registration of SIM Cards to ensure these are not used for criminal activities, etc.

Apart from saving the Federal Government over N22 billion through the clearance of information technology (IT) projects, as of April, over 51 million Nigerians had been registered for the National Identification Number (NIN) , with the majority having updated their SIM registration records. Therefore, it was not surprising that the latest data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) shows that the contribution of the ICT sector to the Nigerian economy grew by 14.70 per cent in the last quarter of 2020. It further indicates that it is the fastest-growing non-oil sector, with double-digit growth within the period under review.

In a similar vein to its problematic release pertaining to Dr. Pantami, the Presidency’s reaction to Father Ejike Mbaka’s call for the president to resign over the deteriorating insecurity situation in the country was needless, unwarranted and unjustifiable.

Therein the Presidency made a strong accusation that Mbaka’s latest uncomplimentary public commentary was due to his anger at President Muhammadu Buhari for not awarding him contracts as a reward for his previous campaigns and support for the president in the elections of 2015 and 2019.

In January 2015, the outspoken Igbo Catholic priest had urged Nigerians to vote out President Goodluck Jonathan for failing to stem the tide of insecurity and corruption in the country.

At a greater risk to his life and parishioners, the Spiritual Director of the Adoration Ministry (AMEN) had endorsed and campaigned vigorously for Muhammadu Buhari, a Northern Fulani Muslim from the pulpit, saying that was what would bring the needed change to Nigeria.

The religious leader then said, “I love President Goodluck Jonathan and I used to be his ardent fan, but I want good for my people and that’s why I want Nigerians to vote out Goodluck Jonathan and vote General Muhammad Buhari. I don’t care if Buhari is a Muslim and from the North; all I care about is that Buhari can save Nigeria.”

Shortly after Buhari’s victory in the election, and on becoming the Nigerian president, he had commended Father Mbaka for his patriotism in the run-up to the general elections, saying that the renowned cleric’s courage had earned him a spot in the sands of time.

In a statement to congratulate Mbaka on the occasion of his 20th priestly ordination, the president said history would be kind to Father Mbaka for daring to speak truth to power, even at great personal risk. Buhari mentioned that Father Mbaka had chosen the path of honesty, despite realising that this could attract hostility from those he described as, “leaders detached from reality.”

The president further stated that “the priest’s courageous actions, while the Peoples Democratic Party was still in power, was clear evidence that religious leaders are the custodians of truth and morals in society.”

In addition, the president noted that Fr. Mbaka’s decision to identify with the masses and uphold the struggle for improved governance in the country was, no doubt, enviable. In that statement signed and released on behalf of Mr. Buhari by Garba Shehu, the President was extremely impressed by the priest’s sincere comments and patriotic disposition over the state of the nation at the time.

The statement concluded by praying to God to grant Father Mbaka greater wisdom, good health and long life, as well as the continued resolve to serve humanity.

I strongly believe that those who stood by us when it really mattered, especially respectable public figures, do not deserve a demeaning and disrespectful response, no matter the situation.

A professional and effective communicator should always realise that even when there are disagreements and contestations of opinion, particularly on behalf of a public personage like a president, the communicative endeavour should be one that sets out on persuading from opposition to a more agreeable point of view, in the most civil language, and without seeking to inflame a situation further. PR ought to build up mutually intelligible relationships, even when this is strained while avoiding the seedy route of the public fight, in the manner of motor park touts – the bolekaje and roforofo mode of confrontation – in the name of political communication.

We should always acknowledge and bear in mind all the well-meant gestures of those who might have been admirers in the past and also learn to develop a greater capacity to tolerate criticism, without muddying up issues by dredging up other sordid narratives.

In all these, while I have noticed that the media is generally more inclined to celebrate conflict and crisis, they also deliberately – and rather, unfortunately, censor – other crucial sides of stories that ought to temper the public drift towards hysteria. On one level, if the Presidency had released another slew of commendations of Father Mbaka, very likely this wouldn’t have received the same attention the attack has received, which offers an eternal insight into the psychology of the media.

On the other level, while the situation that Dr. Pantami has found himself in is quite saddening, yet there is the flip side in which there are dozens of videos and audios of his attacks against religious extremism and terrorism in the past decade that his newly hatched critics have wilfully refused to acknowledge. As earlier mentioned, these had attracted several death threats from Boko Haram, which though were widely reported in the media in the past, have barely been referred to in the present assault on him.

While public relations is different from journalism, they equally have much in common, which should be affirmed, rather than being negated. In this regard, the professional communicator and journalist should strive towards emphasising more of what unites us, rather than focusing on our divisions.

Yushau A. Shuaib is the author of “Award-Winning Crisis Communication Strategies”
www.YAShuaib.com

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“Please, in the name of God don’t fight or fire…” – DCP Usman Umar

The above were the last words of Deputy Commissioner of Police (DCP) Usman Umar, who was shot while attempting to rescue one of his officers, Assistant Superintendent of Police (ASP) Sani Shehu, during a violent protest by members of the Islamic Movement In Nigeria (IMN), a Shi’ite group, in Abuja. Umar was later certified dead at the hospital.

As a Muslim and a Northerner, I am deeply concerned and worried about the activities of Boko Haram terrorists in the North-East, armed banditry in the North-West and the seeming uncontained Shi’ite protest in Abuja, North-Central Nigeria. The root causes of most crises in Nigeria are the disappearance of means of livelihoods, the lack of jobs and human insecurity, alongside the deepening incidence of poverty and immiseration. Also, ignorance, impunity, acts of lawlessness, the expressions of fanatical ideologies and sectional sentiments that are being exploited and manipulated by political elites.

On Wednesday, July 17, 2019, the Nigerian Police announced restriction on all forms of protests in Abuja to the Unity Fountain area, to contain what had become the daily processions and protests of Shi’ite members. The Force spokesman, DCP Frank Mba said that by that directive, intending protesters were expected to steer clear of all critical national infrastructure, especially in the “Three Arms Zone.”

A few days later, precisely on July 19, the Presidency issued a statement seemingly indicating the likelihood that the Buhari administration would obey a decision of the courts to release the leader of the Shi’ites in Nigeria, Sheikh Ibrahim Elzakzaky.

A presidential spokesperson, Mallam Garba Shehu, in the statement, said: “Rallies and street dances (by Shi’ites) ostensibly to openly insult the president and other leaders, threatening bloodshed, will lead nowhere… The Buhari administration has absolutely no hand in the on-going court case and the courts are free to determine the bail request and the outcome.”

In its reaction, the Shi’ites wondered how the Presidency would make such a claim when the government has contemptuously refused to obey court orders in this regard. In its statement dated July 21, the Shiite spokesperson, Ibrahim Musa, wrote that: “In December 2016, Justice Gabriel Kolawole of the Federal High Court freed Sheikh Zakzaky from the illegal detention ordered that he, along with his wife, be compensated to the tune of N50m, a house be provided for him in any part of the country he desires and security be provided for his protection. The Buhari government deliberately acted in contempt of court and refused to respect the judiciary. So which court is the presidency talking about that will decide the fate of our leader?”

The following day, July 22, Shi’ite members stormed Abuja with a procession that commenced from Wuse and moved towards the Three Arms Zone, which accommodates the Presidential Villa, National Assembly, and the Supreme Court.

When the procession was becoming rowdy and confrontational, DCP Umar, who had peacefully contained more than two-dozen Shi’ite protests in the last few months, thought he could re-enact his magic wand in pacifying and engaging the protesters to be peaceful.

As the Officer in Charge of Operations at the Abuja Police Command, Umar had saved many lives by defusing highly violent protests in the Federal Capital Territory in the past. A very religious, detribalised and patriotic Nigerian, DCP Umar had a golden rule, which he proudly announced to his team whenever they were on sensitive assignments. He often told members of his squad that: “Policing is not kill-and-go but a humane profession of saving humanity.”

In several instances whenever his team was provoked, he would always insist that live ammunition should not be fired. That was the same directive he had earlier issued on the day he was killed while on duty.

A few days after the death of the police officer, precisely on July 26, the judiciary designated the Shi’ite movement in Nigeria a terrorist group, after the Federal Government sought a court order to proscribe the group. Justice Nkeonye Maha who issued the order also restrained “any person or group of persons” from participating in any form of activity involving or concerning the IMN “under any name or platform” in Nigeria.

With this development, the Presidency should work with credible intelligence to ensure that the Shi’ite issue does not snowball into a major crisis that could worsen the current insecurity in the country, because radical ideologies are usually – rather, unfortunately – given further life through the use of coercive force on its subscribers or membership.

It is necessary to point out that Shi’ite members seem to be more sophisticated in their ideologies than similar groups, as they are scattered across diverse fields such as the academia, business, media, judiciary, military, security, civil service, and politics. Members of the movement don’t necessarily proclaim their affiliation but generally identify with the broader category of being Muslims and perform pilgrimage in Mecca without being stopped by their regional arch-rival, the Saudi-Arabia. Their foreign supporters, especially the Islamic Republic of Iran, have, to some extent, exercised restraint in the last four years of the Shi’ite issue in Nigeria, which simply indicates behind-the-scene workings of intelligence services and diplomatic efforts in keeping the matter from frothing to the surface.

Even the powerful Trump administration is struggling to counter Iran’s network of proxies across the globe, notably in Iraq, Lebanon, Syria, Yemen. During the American war in Iraq, Iranian-linked Shi’ite militia hit foreign forces with lethal roadside bombs that penetrated even armoured vehicles. The Pentagon has officially disclosed that: “those attacks killed hundreds of U.S. troops between 2003-2010.” Several years after, the militia groups still wield significant influence in the country and elsewhere. Iran certainly knows how to exploit the chaos in some countries to promote its ideologies and interests in keeping its rivals off-balance.

In its efforts to address the challenges confronting our nation, the Presidency needs to deploy more sophisticated responses by thoughtfully engaging in diplomacy and negotiations for amicable solutions, rather than the utilisation of military or police force. When some Shi’ite members were killed in a similar altercation with the military in Zaria in 2014, not only did the Defence Headquarters tender an apology and set up a panel to look into the incident, President Goodluck Jonathan also personally reached out to and empathized with Sheikh El-Zakzaky for peace to reign. This is one approach that could be extended or built on.

Yushau A. Shuaib
Author “An Encounter with the Spymaster”
www.YAShuaib.com

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