After the bishops recent closed‑door meeting with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Cardinal John Onaiyekan made a striking claim: that presidential aides are shielding the President from the true suffering in the country, presenting a false rosy picture, and that Tinubu already appears desperate about winning the 2027 election.

As a writer and observer of governance, I share that concern. A president who controls the instruments of state, commands a united party, and faces a divided opposition has little rational cause for electoral anxiety unless overzealous handlers are manufacturing threats where few exist.

The question therefore deserves to be asked plainly: what exactly is President Bola Ahmed Tinubu afraid of?

The EFCCs freezing of the Osun State Governments accounts barely a week before the governorship election citing a court order later reversed by the President himself was not merely a legal misstep. It was a political signal of ‘over‑sabi’ that familiar Yoruba expression for excessive, misdirected overzealousness gone disastrously wrong. It also raised a question that goes beyond Osuns finances and cuts to the heart of governance in Abuja: are these the deliberate choices of a confident presidency, or the panicked manoeuvres of handlers who have convinced the President that 2027 is a battle he might lose?

Because by any honest reading of Nigerias political landscape, the evidence for such fear is astonishingly thin.

Tinubu enters the 2027 cycle with structural advantages unmatched in recent democratic history.

He controls the executive machinery of the Federal Government with unusual cohesion. The CBN and NRS, custodians of the national treasury and revenue and the full architecture of anti‑corruption agencies operate within a presidency facing no internal rebellion. The security services police, DSS, and the military answer to the Commander‑in‑Chief. INEC operates within a constitutional framework that any well‑resourced incumbent can navigate with relative ease.

Why should he entertain fear? His party, the APC, has absorbed opposition defections at a rate that has reshaped the electoral map. Several governors elected on opposition platforms in 2023 have since crossed over, weakening the institutional backbone of any credible challenge. The PDP, Labour Party, and other formations remain fractured much like 2023, when the split between Atiku Abubakar, Peter Obi, and Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso arguably delivered the presidency to Tinubu on the platter of gold. Has he forgotten that blessing in disguise?

Tinubu won the 2023 election under conditions far more hostile than anything he faces today. President Muhammadu Buhari was not enthusiastic about his candidacy. Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, Senate President Ahmed Lawan, ministers, and other APC heavyweights were either rivals or reluctant supporters. Yet Tinubu prevailed.

He now enters 2027 with those internal rivals neutralised and with the incumbency advantage he lacked in 2023.
So why are his handlers suddenly desperate even flirting with anti‑democratic impulses?

Should a president who survived 2023s turbulence now need anti‑corruption agencies freezing a states accounts one week before an election to prove loyalty?

Governance under Tinubu is mixed but not devoid of genuine achievements. Abuja, under the politically abrasive but undeniably effective Nyesom Wike, has witnessed accelerated infrastructural development: roads, housing schemes, and urban renewal projects visible to anyone who drives through the city. One may dislike his crude politics, but his performance as minister rivals the El‑Rufai era. Had these and other ministerial achievements been properly documented and consistently communicated, wouldnt they have formed a persuasive counter‑narrative to critics?

The Ministry of Information and National Orientation has also done strategic work in countering the internationally amplified Christian genocide narrative a framing that ignored the Muslim communities devastated by banditry and terrorism in the North‑West and North‑East. Doesnt the lobbying that produced a more balanced posture from Washington including under President Donald Trump reflect a sophistication in foreign‑policy communication that deserves amplification?

The administration has increased military remuneration, strengthening loyalty to civilian command. The foiling of a reported coup attempt further consolidates military alignment with the presidency.Do these achievements justify political panic?

One under‑analysed dimension of Tinubus political arithmetic is the legacy of the MuslimMuslim ticket. The TinubuShettima pairing was controversial in 2023, with critics warning it would alienate Christian voters. Yet, paradoxically after the victory, the administration has appointed Christian technocrats to some of the most economically sensitive ministries and key security portfolios alongside many Yoruba appointees. Whether by design or necessity, hasnt the MuslimMuslim ticket ended up delivering significant Christian representation at the apex of federal governance?

Retaining Shettima for 2027 follows the same logic: consolidate the Muslim North especially the core North that delivered decisive margins while Christian appointments counterbalance the optics. It is a defensible strategy. But doesnt it require sophisticated communication which has not always been forthcoming?

Back to Osun: The real danger. The EFCCs freezing of Osuns accounts days before an election was legally arguable but politically indefensible. The timing made it impossible to interpret as anything other than partisan interference. The President‑ordered reversal after the alleged court order only confirmed what the optics had already declared.

The damage is not to Governor Ademola Adeleke or the opposition party. The damage is to President Tinubu. It invites the central question every overzealous enforcement action provokes: did the President authorise this and other similar actions, including judicial manoeuvres?

If yes, it suggests a president anxious about 2027 despite overwhelming structural advantages or one willing to compromise institutional integrity for marginal electoral gain. If no, it suggests something equally dangerous: that agencies are acting in his name without his knowledge, and that the presidency is unable to control institutions under its authority.

Neither interpretation flatters the presidency. Both are politically corrosive.

Nigeria has seen this pattern before. Weaponising anti‑corruption agencies does not strengthen incumbents. It delegitimises institutions, hardens opposition resolve, generates sympathy for targeted figures, and provides ammunition to international observers already sceptical of Nigerias democratic governance.

Does the arithmetic of intimidation ever favour the intimidator?

Tinubu is not a political novice. He is one of the most strategically sophisticated political minds Nigeria has produced. The Lagos model whatever its imperfections demonstrates his ability to build and sustain political structures over decades.

Which makes the question more urgent: who is advising him that these manoeuvres are necessary? Are they genuinely trying to secure his re‑election?
Or are some exploiting his perceived anxiety for their own selfish interests?

Because the greatest threat to a Tinubu second term is not Atiku Abubakar, Peter Obi, or Kwankwaso. It is the growing perception that a confident presidency is behaving like one that is not.

Yushau A. Shuaib is the author of “MNI Versus MNIPR in NIPSS” on Tackling institutional Bullying. yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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By Yushau A. Shuaib

Ahmed Balarabe Saids new book Arent We All PR People? is one of those rare works that immediately announce themselves as more than textbooks. It is a field guide, a mentor in print, and a career compass for anyone stepping into the demanding but rewarding world of Public Relations. After carefully reviewing the book, I am genuinely temptedwithout any flatteryto call it the definitive PR career guide for emerging communicators. It is a standout resource that sets a new benchmark for the field.

Balarabe, a Mass Communication graduate of Bayero University Kano (BUK) more than two decades ago, is not merely a communication scholar; he is a true PR professional in every sense of the wordfar beyond regulatory certification. Calling him a practitioner feels almost inadequate because he breathes, speaks, writes, and conducts himself with the instinctive discipline of someone who genuinely lives and promotes Public Relations through his relationships, engagements, and professional ethos.

What makes this book remarkable is not only its breadth but its narrative style. Balarabe writes with a clarity that demystifies PR practice and a warmth that draws readers into the professions human side. His storytelling approach, just like my recently released memoir “MNI Versus MNIPR in NIPSS,” creates curiosity, making even foundational principles feel fresh and urgent. For budding communicators who often encounter PR as abstract theory, this book offers something different: a vivid, practical, and relatable journey into the craft.

Several chapters carry uniquely crafted titles that immediately spark curiosity and offer clear glimpses into their thematic direction. Chapter One, From Ancient Rhetoric to Digital Dialogue, sets the tone by tracing the evolution of communication from classical persuasion to todays fast‑paced digital exchanges. Other standout chaptersA Constellation of Concepts, Professionalising the Practice, That Good PR Practitioner, A Universe of Opportunities, Some of Your Mentors, Ethical Traps and Hidden Dangers, You and AI, and PR Shotspresent their subjects with clarity and creative framing. PR Shots, in particular, is an engaging compilation of short, sharp professional posts originally shared on social media, now curated into a chapter that reads like a pocket guide for daily practice. The final chapter, which foregrounds the emerging role of Public Relations in Nigerias national project, provides a thoughtful and forward‑looking conclusionpositioning PR not just as a profession but as a strategic pillar in nation‑building.

The book succeeds on multiple fronts. First, it bridges the gap between theory and practice. Many PR texts lean heavily on academic frameworks, leaving young practitioners unsure how to apply them in real‑world situations. Balarabe flips that script. He grounds every concept in lived experiencecrisis moments, ethical dilemmas, communication landmines, and the subtle art of managing reputation. The result is a book that teaches not only what PR is but how PR is done.

Second, the book is structured to guide readers through the profession with increasing depth. From foundational ethics to the anatomy of a good practitioner, from crisis communication to the evolving role of AI, each chapter builds on the last with intentional clarity. The inclusion of real personalitiesrole models whose careers illuminate different pathways in the fieldadds a human dimension that young readers will find both inspiring and instructive.

Third, Balarabe demonstrates a rare courage in addressing contemporary issues. His challenge to the Nigerian Institute of Public Relations (NIPR) on the absence of AI regulation is bold and necessary. His exploration of digital crises, misinformation, and emerging technologies shows a practitioner who understands that PR is evolving rapidlyand that the next generation must be prepared for a landscape far more complex than what existed a decade ago.

The book also shines in its treatment of ethics. Balarabe does not present ethics as a checklist but as the backbone of professional credibility. His insistence that ethical grounding must precede technical skill is a message young communicators urgently need. In a world where speed often competes with accuracy, and visibility competes with integrity, this emphasis is both timely and timeless.

One of the books strongest features is its use of narrative to teach principles. Balarabes storiesof practitioners, crises, institutions, and turning pointsare not decorative. They are instructional. They show how PR works in real life, how reputations are built and broken, and how communicators must think, act, and adapt. This narrative approach makes the book accessible without sacrificing depth.

The book is also refreshingly honest. It does not romanticise the profession. It acknowledges the pressures, the politics, the ethical crossroads, and the emotional labour involved in communication work. Yet it balances this realism with optimism, reminding readers that PR remains one of the most impactful careers for those who master its principles.

For emerging communicators, this book will serve as a mentor. For educators, it will be a teaching companion. For practitioners, it will be a reminder of the disciplines core values. And for the profession at large, it will be a contribution that strengthens the intellectual and practical foundation of PR in Nigeria.

In my sincere assessment, this book is more than a guide. It is a benchmark. A resource that will inspire, instruct, and challenge. A book that emerging communicators will return to repeatedly as they navigate their careers.

And truly, Arent We All PR People is a book our profession has been waiting for.

Yushau A. Shuaib, Award‑Winning PR Practitioner, is the author of MNI Versus MNIPR in NIPSS- Tackling Institutional Bullying yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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When a sponsored attack song backfires, it reveals everything about the sponsors and nothing damaging about the target.

A brief disclosure is necessary before I proceed. In December 2018, Jamilu Gwamna then Managing Director of the Kano Electricity Distribution Company (KEDCO) personally approved the removal and reinstallation of electric poles to support the expansion of the PRNigeria Centre in Kano. That gesture of institutional goodwill remains unforgettable. His spokesperson, Ibrahim Shawai, who still serves in that role today, has also been a long standing professional colleague. I state this up front because transparency about relationships is the foundation of credible commentary, and what I am about to say directly touches on the political contest in which Gwamna is now a participant.

I must also clarify my relationship with Isa Ali Pantami. I have closely monitored the evolution of Nigerias digital economy ecosystem since his days as Director General of NITDA and throughout his tenure as Minister of Communications and Digital Economy. That monitoring led to active promotion of legitimate achievements and a sustained effort to counter malicious narratives directed at him. It also resulted in a book documenting his trials and triumphs. My engagement with Pantami has always been based strictly on public service record nothing more, nothing less.

For more than two years, Pantami has openly signalled his intention to contest the governorship of Gombe State. There were early indications that Governor Muhammadu Inuwa Yahaya might not remain neutral in the APC primary. I raised this concern with the Governors spokesperson, Ismaila Misilli, during the launch of Pantamis books in Abuja in January 2024. Misilli consistently reassured me that the Governor would be fair to all aspirants.

When Shawai later informed me that Jamilu Gwamna would also be contesting after securing the APC ticket, I did what fairness required: I told him directly that any press release or material his candidate issued would be published on our platforms at no cost the same courtesy extended to Pantami, who had paid his dues in national service. Equity demanded nothing less.
This week, precisely last Thursdays evening after Shawai discussed a release and a new photograph of his candidate with me which we published immediately a video began circulating less than twenty four hours later.

In it, APC Hausa praise singer Kahutu Rarara did not merely criticise Pantami; he accused him of drug addiction, alleged corruption, and issued thinly veiled threats of referral to anti corruption agencies. He then, in the same breath, lavished praise on Jamilu Gwamna, the APC governorship candidate. The sponsorship was not implied. It was announced.

The response was swift, fierce, and deeply instructive. Clerics who had previously criticised Pantami came out in his defence. Scholars who had held reservations issued statements of solidarity. Politicians in opposing camps expressed sympathy. Social media influencers with no particular allegiance condemned Rarara in terms sharper than anything he had directed at his target. Without spending a kobo or uttering a word in his own defence, Pantami gained more followers, more sympathisers, and more vocal supporters in forty eight hours than any conventional campaign event could have delivered.

The attack produced the exact opposite of its intended effect. This is not a coincidence. It is a textbook case of demarketing by incompetence a lesson written in real time for anyone willing to read it.

I have made this point repeatedly in professional settings, and it bears restating with the specificity this episode demands. There is a fundamental difference between publicity, where noise and trend matter, and public relations, where substance and credibility matter. Many politicians and campaign managers behave as though the two are interchangeable assuming that anyone with a large audience or a talent for generating noise is automatically a useful campaign instrument. This is a costly error.

Publicity measures reach and volume. Public relations measures credibility and consequence.
A praise singer with hundreds of thousands of followers can generate trend after trend, but if his credibility is already compromised, every trend he generates carries the stench of that compromise. The audience does not simply receive the message; it filters it through what it already knows about the messenger. When a campaign instrument is perceived as mercenary, every message it carries is contaminated.

Kahutu Rarara is not an artist in the tradition of musicians who use their platforms to advocate justice or accountability. He is, by his own pattern, a hired tongue available to praise whoever pays and to attack whoever his current patron designates. He has performed this function against former Kano Governors Ibrahim Shekarau and Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, among others. In each case, those he vilified were, in other seasons, recipients of his flattery when patronage flowed in their direction. Nigerians are not unaware of this. His credibility as an independent voice is precisely zero. That is why there can be no basis for comparing a global musical icon like Davido with Rarara after their public clash in June 2026 over Nigerias kidnapping crisis.

Any campaign strategist who deployed him for this assignment either failed to conduct the most basic perception audit or conducted one and ignored it. Either way, the professional failure belongs to the architects of the strategy not to Rarara, who simply did what Rarara does.

While publicity chases attention, public relations earns trust. And the most damaging form of demarketing is when an opposition relies on a weak, hate-driven campaigner who resorts to ignorance, arrogance, and indecency. Such tactics almost always backfire, instantly boosting public sympathy and solidarity for the reputable competitor without them spending a single penny. That is exactly what we are witnessing in the case of Rararas attack song against Pantami.

Yushau A. Shuaib is the author of Pantami: Trials & Triumphs of a Digital Economy Maestro. Email: yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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Crisis communication teaches one hard truth: silence doesn’t calm a crisis; it fuels it. When leaders fail to engage, their silence is easily read as indifference. That was the uncomfortable impression some participants felt during the second day of the recent National Security Summit organised by the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ) in Abuja, where senior security officials were absent.

Were security chiefs concerned that journalists might demand answers about the persistent allegations linking illegal mining activities in bandit-prone areas to the financing of criminal networks? Could they have been uncomfortable addressing claims that some retired and serving security personnel have been implicated, directly or indirectly, in the worsening insecurity across the country?

Could they also have feared being asked whether the nation’s democratic authorities and security leadership possess the political will and operational latitude required to confront these monumental challenges, especially amid claims that some major financiers and sponsors are known yet remain untouchable?

And what about the resurgence of mass abductions and kidnappings, particularly in schools spreading beyond their traditional epicentres, raising concerns about whether these attacks are being orchestrated for political motives or illicit financial gain?

While there may be no evidence to support such suspicions, insecurity thrives in the shadows where transparency is absent. The summit, themed “Media and Security Agencies as Partners in Nation Building,” was conceived as a platform to foster understanding between two institutions whose responsibilities frequently intersect: the media and the security services.

The opening day was impressive. It drew a diverse audience of journalists, academics, communication specialists, development partners, security personnel, and government officials. The Minister of Information and National Orientation, Malam Mohammed Idris Malagi, was the most senior figure in attendance, adding weight to the proceedings. Discussions focused on strategic communication, responsible journalism, national security, and the importance of collaboration in addressing Nigeria’s complex security challenges.

However, the second day, which was designed as the technical session devoted specifically to national security issues, presented a different picture. The security chiefs whose institutions were central to the conversation were conspicuously absent. More disappointing was the fact that many of them were neither physically present nor represented.

Ironically, the discussions that day could have benefited enormously from their participation. The keynote speaker, Mr. Musikilu Mojeed, President of the International Press Institute (IPI) Nigeria, delivered a well-researched paper on the delicate relationship between the media and security institutions. He examined several historical and contemporary cases that highlighted tensions, misunderstandings, and occasional confrontations between journalists and security agencies.

During his presentation, he referenced the controversial 2014 incident in which security operatives intercepted newspaper distribution vehicles, an episode that drew widespread criticism from media organisations and civil society groups.

What Mr. Mojeed perhaps did not know was that one of the principal actors in that period, former Director of Defence Information, Major General Chris Olukolade (rtd.), was quietly seated at the back of the hall with a former Director of Naval Information, Commodore Kabir Aliyu (rtd.). I was privileged to sit beside them as the presentation progressed.

General Olukolade, currently the Chairman of the Centre for Crisis Communication (CCC) is not known for reopening old controversies. In fact, he has consistently avoided public discussions about many military operations and sensitive decisions from previous eras. Yet, on this occasion, he felt compelled to provide clarification.

When given the microphone, he explained that at the time, during the administration of Goodluck Jonathan, security agencies were grappling with evolving terrorist tactics, including intelligence reports suggesting that insurgents were exploring unconventional methods of transporting weapons and logistics across the country.

More importantly, he revealed something that many critics may not have known: the security command later acknowledged public concerns over the incident and apologised. According to him, lessons were learned, and safeguards were introduced to ensure that such actions would not recur. He added that dialogue often achieves what assumptions cannot.

To my surprise, I was also invited to the podium to contribute to the discussion on media-security relations. My intervention was modest. Rather than focusing on disagreements, I chose to highlight examples of productive collaboration between journalists and security agencies through the Forum of Spokespersons of Security and Response Agencies (FOSSRA), an initiative once chaired by General Olukolade and later by the late Major General Abubakar Rabe.

I remembered the professionalism of editors who placed national interest above sensational headlines. One notable example involved a senior editor of ThisDay Newspaper, Ms Ijeoma Nwogwugwu, who received a late-night request in June 2013 from military authorities regarding a specific word used in a report on insurgency operations. The concern was that publishing certain details could jeopardise an ongoing mission. After reviewing the implications, the newspaper agreed and made the adjustment. The operation was subsequently adjudged successful.

I also recalled my May 2014 visit to Premium Times’ headquarters after a report on an alleged mutiny by soldiers in Borno State. At the time, I passionately appealed to the newspaper’s leadership to consider replacing the word “mutiny” with “protest” because of the severe legal implications of mutiny under military law. While the then Managing Editor, Musikilu Mojeed, listened attentively and showed understanding, the story had already gained traction elsewhere. Eventually, some of the affected soldiers were convicted of mutiny.

Similarly, I recounted how Mallam Hamza Idris, then Daily Trust Bureau Chief in Borno in February 2015, filed what appeared to be a routine report. Security officials later raised concerns that the unpublished story, though harmless on the surface, could inadvertently expose troop movements and operational plans. After assessing the potential consequences, the editorial leadership of Weekend Daily Trust sacrificed what was scheduled to be a front-page lead in the interest of national security.

That same year, two Nigerian journalists working for foreign media were briefly detained in a Borno hotel, an action taken purely for their safety, though widely misinterpreted. During major anti‑insurgency operations, senior media executives were routinely briefed. And despite criticisms of Sahara Reporters’ style, its publisher, Omoyele Sowore, often showed genuine concern for national security. The then NGE President, Femi Adesina, and the Dean of Bureau Chiefs, Yusuf Alli, can attest to the trust and confidentiality that defined those engagements.

The cooperation between the media and security agencies, supported by broader inter‑agency coordination through FOSSRAhelped reduce conflict and contributed significantly to the recovery of dozens of towns from terrorist control ahead of the 2015 election. Although FOSSRA was last chaired by General Rabe before being abandoned under the Buhari administration, its strategic value was clear. Recognising this, NSA Malam Nuhu Ribadu pragmatically revived the mechanism with the Centre for Crisis Communication (CCC) as technical partner. Unfortunately, that effort was later undermined by unprofessional insiders whose motives remain questionable.

These examples demonstrate that the relationship between the media and security agencies has not always been characterised by hostility. There have been countless instances of cooperation, understanding, and mutual respect.

That is precisely why the absence of serving security chiefs from the second day of the summit was disappointing. The gathering offered a rare opportunity for frank conversations, confidence-building, and institutional learning. Meanwhile, the communiqu issued at the end of the two-day summit, signed by NUJ President Comrade Alhassan Yahaya Abdullahi, captured many of the concerns raised during the discussions. Most importantly, participants reaffirmed that national security and sustainable development depend on strong, transparent, and accountable partnerships among the media, security agencies, government institutions, and citizens.

It is expected that next time an invitation is extended, they will honour it, especially when it comes from a respected and trusted ally whose partnership is vital to national security.

Yushau A. Shuaib is the author of An Encounter with the Spymaster. yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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In the last two months, Kwara State politics has gradually transformed into a sophisticated chessboard where strategic calculations, silent alliances, political decoys, and subtle manoeuvres are unfolding behind the scenes.

The emergence of candidates by the major political parties may appear straightforward. But to close watchers of Kwara politics, developments within both the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) reveal a deeper contest driven by strategy, ambition, and political survival.

Indeed, some aspirants spent huge sums purchasing nomination forms and mobilising supporters, yet even within their own camps, many understood that certain ambitions were less about actual victory and more about tactical positioning in a larger political chess game.

The first major surprise came when Governor AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq publicly endorsed Ambassador Yahaya Seriki from the Ilorin Emirate in Kwara Central Senatorial District as his preferred successor. That endorsement appeared to settle months of speculation suggesting that the governor was quietly promoting a candidate from the predominantly non-Yoruba-speaking Kwara North, allegedly in response to perceived preferences from influential interests in Abuja for a candidate from the Yoruba-speaking Kwara South.

Yet, in a dramatic twist, the governors preferred consensus arrangement was eventually jettisoned by the APC national leadership, which insisted on a direct primary election.

At the end of the tense two-day exercise, the Speaker of the Kwara State House of Assembly, Salihu Yakubu Danladi from Kwara North, defeated all the aspirantsmost of whom were from the Ilorin Emirate in Kwara Centralincluding a respected lawyer, professor, businessmen, heads of federal institutions, as well as serving and former senators, to clinch the APC governorship ticket.

But the counter-move from the PDP was equally strategic. Reading the unfolding permutationsand noting the implications of the APC producing a Kwara North candidate despite the dominance of aspirants from the Ilorin Emirate in Kwara Centralthe PDP leadership, under former Senate President and two‑term governor Bukola Saraki, quickly moved to unify its ranks. The party rallied other aspirants behind Engr. Sulaiman Bolakale Kawu Agaka, a Yoruba‑speaking Fulani from Ilorin, as its consensus candidate, signalling a strategic attempt to consolidate the traditional Kwara Central political bloc.

Thus, the stage was set for another major political confrontation in Kwaraone that revives the enduring Saraki-AbdulRazaq rivalry that has largely defined the states political direction since 1999, and not necessarily from the 2019 O To Ge political revolution alone.

Meanwhile, emerging opposition parties have also unveiled their governorship candidates. The African Democratic Congress (ADC) has announced Hon. Zakari Mohammed, a former member of the House of Representatives from Kwara North, as its consensus flag-bearer. Similarly, there is also media speculation that National Democratic Congress (NDC) is poised to either endorse Mallam AbdulRahman Giwa, a cousin of the governor from Kwara Central or Engr Jamiu Bolaji as its candidate.

Whether these emerging parties are genuine alternative platforms or merely strategic spoilers capable of weakening stronger contenders within their respective senatorial zones remains a matter of political interpretation.

Without venturing into speculative calculations about voter distribution across Kwara North, Kwara South, and Kwara Centralwhich could be both instructive and politically sensitiveone indisputable reality remains: both Yakubu Danladi and Bolakale Kawu have emerged as the major contenders, each possessing distinguished professional and personal credentials beyond partisan politics.

Born on May 31, 1985, in Gwanara, Baruten Local Government Area, Yakubu Danladi hails from a modest but respected family. The son of the late Alhaji Salihu Aliyu, the Tafarkin Borgu, his journey reflects discipline, focus, and steady growth. He completed his secondary education at St. Anthony Secondary School, Ilorin in 2001, before earning both National and Higher National Diplomas in Electrical/Electronic Engineering from Kaduna Polytechnic, followed by a Bachelor of Engineering degree from the Federal University of Technology (FUT), Minna.

He lectured at FUT Minna from 2010 to 2018 before venturing into politics in 2019 where he won the Ilesha/Gwanara Constituency seat and, at just 34, became Speaker of the 9th Kwara State House of Assemblyone of the youngest in Nigeria. He retained both his seat and speakership in 2023, strengthening his influence within the APC.

His PDP challenger, Engr. Bolakale Kawu Agaka was born on May 1, 1969, in Ilorin. He hails from the Agaka lineage within the celebrated Alimi dynasty of the Ilorin Emirate. His educational background spans Electrical Power Engineering, Administration, and Business Management, with qualifications from Kwara State Polytechnic, Federal University of Technology Akure, and Ladoke Akintola University of Technology.

Following his National Youth Service with the defunct National Electric Power Authority (NEPA) in 1996, he built an extensive career within Nigerias power sector, eventually rising to become Executive Director of the Rural Electrification Agency before retiring from public service in 2025.

Throughout his years in service, Kawu developed a reputation for philanthropy, youth empowerment, and community development. Significantly, Governor AbdulRazaq himself publicly commended his contributions during his turbaning as Dan Iyan Ilorin in 2022.

Today, beyond his technocratic credentials, Kawu also carries the influential traditional title of Daniyan of Ilorina title that gives him considerable cultural and social influence within the Ilorin Emirate.

What makes the unfolding contest particularly fascinating is that both parties appear to have chosen their candidates not merely on popularity, but through deeper strategic calculations involving geography, identity, succession balance, and voter psychology.

For the APC, presenting a youthful Speaker from Kwara North signals a strategic bid to consolidate northern support while leveraging the advantages of incumbency. For the PDP, rallying behind a respected technocrat and traditional titleholder from the Ilorin Emirate reflects an effort to rebuild the Saraki‑era coalition in Kwara Central while appealing to both elite and grassroots sentiments.

Beyond posters and endorsements, Kwara 2027 is quietly unfolding as a sophisticated political chessboard. If Kwara North aligns firmly with Danladi and Kwara Central stands solidly behind Kawu, could Kwara South become the decisive battleground? In this evolving contest, the next governor is likely to emerge from the camp that best understands the delicate arithmetic, emotional undercurrents, and shifting dynamics of Kwaras political chess game.

Yushau A. Shuaib is author of An Encounter with the Spymaster yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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It never crossed my mind that Nkechi Ali-Balogun had turned 70 when she recently called me over promotional items for one of her professional initiatives. Her voice was as energetic, composed, and intellectually sharp as ever. It was therefore with pleasant shock that I later stumbled on congratulatory messages circulating across platforms of the African Public Relations Association (APRA) announcing that the respected PR icon clocked 70 on May 19, 2026.

For over two decades, I have regarded her as one of the most inspiring personalities and role models in public relations practicenot only in Nigeria but across Africa. Calm, calculated, graceful, yet firm in conviction, she possesses that rare ability to welcome constructive criticism wholeheartedly while remaining deeply committed to professionalism and ethical communication.

One memorable encounter between us further revealed the depth of her character.

In 2023, she expressed reservations over a perception survey conducted by interns of Spokespersons Digest on the campaign flyers of aspirants contesting for the presidency of the Nigerian Institute of Public Relations ahead of the Institutes Annual General Meeting scheduled for August 24, 2023.

The survey involved 25 Mass Communication undergraduates undergoing internship training at PRNigeria Centres in Abuja and Kano. The interns were asked to evaluate the campaign materials of the two frontline contenders for the NIPR presidency: Dr. Ike Neliaku and Mrs. Nkechi Ali-Balogun.

The interns generally considered Ali-Baloguns flyers aesthetically appealing because of their simplicity, elegant colour combination, and restrained messaging. However, they also observed that the materials contained limited personal branding information. Her name appeared abbreviated and less prominent, while there were fewer descriptive slogans projecting her personality and professional credentials.

Interestingly, some female respondents interpreted the absence of flamboyant catchphrases as deliberate and strategica subtle departure from the intimidating self-glorification often associated with Nigerian political campaigns.

Yet, the concluding editorial interpretation of the survey did not sit well with her.

When she called me, she argued passionately that the overall framing appeared to demarket her candidacy beyond the objective assessment made by the interns. But what struck me most was not her complaintit was her maturity. Despite her reservations, she commended the young interns for their effort and even expressed willingness to support their aspirations and professional growth.

That singular conversation strengthened our professional relationship.

In fact, in a deliberate effort to prove that I neither influenced nor manipulated the editorial position of the interns, I later wrote a personal opinion article titled NIPR Presidency: Between Nkechi Ali-Balogun and Ike Neliaku, which was published in several national newspapers.

In that article, I described her as the quintessential woman in public relationsa title I still believe fits perfectly.

Over the years, our paths have crossed repeatedly at national and international PR events. One enduring quality about Nkechi Ali-Balogun is her generosity of spirit. She never hesitates to encourage good performance, thoughtful presentations, or innovative ideas. Her commendations are sincere, and her criticisms are usually constructive.

A Fellow of NIPR and a respected senior member of APRA, Ali-Balogun is the Principal Consultant and Chief Executive Officer of NECCI Limited, a Lagos-based public relations consultancy that has remained influential in strategic communication and corporate reputation management.

Before establishing herself fully in consultancy, she built an impressive corporate career, serving as Head of Corporate Affairs at the Nigerian Export-Import Bank and later at Equitorial Trust Bank. Earlier still, she spent five years at the Nigerian Television Authority as a producer, scriptwriter, and consultantan experience that sharpened her media intelligence and storytelling skills. She is currently Chairperson/CEO Public Relations Consultants of Nigeria (PRCAN).

Academically, she remains equally accomplished. She earned a first degree in English/Education and a Masters degree in Mass Communication from the University of Lagos, an MBA in Management from the University of Nigeria, and later obtained a PhD in Mass Communication from the University of Lagos. She also attended the prestigious Frank Jefkins School of Public Relations in London.

Ali-Baloguns professional journey is deeply intertwined with the growth of public relations practice in Nigeria and Africa. With over three decades of experience, she has not only built a flourishing career but has also contributed immensely to institutional development, ethical communication, and professional mentoring.

She made history as the first female Chairperson of the Lagos State Chapter of NIPR, where she demonstrated strategic leadership, organisational discipline, and a passion for professional excellence. Her tenure remains one of the reference points for effective chapter administration within the Institute.

In 2023, she again broke barriers by becoming the first woman ever to contest for the presidency of NIPR. Her candidacy attracted widespread support from notable PR groups and professionals, including women-focused communication networks and industry associations. Her seven-point agenda centred on institutional relevance, gender inclusion, capacity building, and digital transformation within the profession.

Though she did not emerge victorious, her candidacy itself altered the psychology of leadership possibilities within the Institute. She proved that competence, courage, and credibility matter more than entrenched traditions.

Beyond titles and achievements, Ali-Balogun remains passionate about mentoring the next generation. Through the NECCI Public Relations Roundtable and her widely respected platform, Chat with NAB, she continues to shape conversations around leadership, communication ethics, branding, and strategic influence.

Indeed, Nkechi Ali-Balogun deserves the fitting title of an African PR Amazon.

Not merely because she is influential, but because she embodies exceptional courage, resilience, elegance, and intellectual strength in strategic communication. She has consistently spoken truth to power with dignity while building bridges across professional divides. The calibre of personalities that honour her annual engagements reflects the respect she commands across sectors and across borders.

On behalf of the management and staff of Image Merchants Promotion Limitedpublishers of PRNigeria, Economic Confidential, Spokespersons Digest, and Tech Digest, under the chairmanship of respected communication scholar, Sule Yau SuleI celebrate a woman whose life exemplifies professionalism, mentorship, service, and sacrifice for nation-building.

At 70, Nkechi Ali-Balogun remains not only relevant but remarkably inspirational. May her wisdom continue to illuminate the path for generations of communication professionals across Africa.

Yushau A. Shuaib, author of ” Dozen Tips for Media Relation” and “,Award-Winning Crisis Communication Strategies.”
yashuaib

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One of the most remarkable and often underappreciated examples of harmonious coexistence in public office was the working relationship between former President Muhammadu Buharis two presidential spokespersons, Femi Adesina and Garba Shehu.

At the time of their appointments, many observersincluding this writeranticipated inevitable friction. In an article I wrote shortly after their emergence in June 2015 titled The Presidential Spokespersons (https://cutt.ly/ntVD9GYM), I had raised concerns over hierarchy, precedence, and the potential katakata that could arise from having two powerful media figures operating within overlapping communication responsibilities.

Traditionally, the office of Special Adviser was considered superior to that of Senior Special Assistant. Yet, contrary to fears and political predictions, both men served for eight years without any visible acrimony.

That uncommon maturity was later reflected in their best-selling memoirsWorking with Buhari by Adesina and According to the President by Shehuboth offering different yet complementary perspectives on the same administration, without bitterness or public rivalry.

Nigeria now appears to be entering another delicate institutional moment this time within its security architecture. While President Bola Ahmed Tinubu was on an official three‑nation trip to France, Kenya and Rwanda, and the National Security Adviser, Nuhu Ribadu, was representing Nigeria in high‑level meetings with U.S. Vice President J.D. Vance and Acting National Security Adviser/Secretary of State Marco Rubio in Washington, news broke announcing the appointment of retired Major General Famadewa as Adviser on Homeland Security.

The announcement generated immediate reactions within security and political circles. Though there had been speculations that some influential interests were uncomfortable with a non-military figure serving as National Security Adviser, many still considered the timing and structure of the appointment curious.

Ironically, the debate over Ribadus suitability began immediately after President Bola Tinubus inauguration in May 2023. I wrote then on The Person Needed for President Tinubus NSA, (https://cutt.ly/FtVSeT67) and later, when Ribadu was first announced as Adviser on Security Matters, I published Nuhu Ribadu and the NSAs Statutory Mandates (https://cutt.ly/YtVSr2lH). In both pieces, I argued that effective national security management is not the exclusive preserve of military officers. Globally including in the United States and the United Kingdom many national security advisers come from legal, diplomatic, intelligence, or academic backgrounds rather than active military command. That position remains valid.

The Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA) is a legally established institution with broad statutory responsibilities covering intelligence coordination, strategic security policy, counterterrorism supervision, and inter-agency collaboration. Over the years, it has evolved into the central coordinating hub of Nigerias security ecosystem.

By contrast, there is presently no clearly defined legal framework outlining the mandate of the newly created Homeland Security office. However, Presidency insiders suggest that the concept is modelled after the United States Department of Homeland Security, with focus areas expected to include immigration, civil defence, border management, and domestic intelligence coordination.

In fairness to both men, neither Ribadu nor Famadewa lacks credentials or commitment. Ribadu has shown exceptional loyalty across administrations. As EFCCs pioneer chairman under President Obasanjo, he confronted corruption head‑on, taking on politically exposed individuals once considered untouchable. As NSA under President Tinubu, he undertakes risky visits to volatile security zones, conducts intensive diplomatic shuttle missions, and consistently defends Nigeria against negative international narratives, ranging from terrorism designations to money‑laundering and governance concerns, among his statutory responsibilities.

General Famadewa, on the other hand, may not enjoy the same public visibility, given his deep roots in military intelligence operations. Intelligence officers are rarely household names. Yet, during the Buhari administration, Famadewa was widely regarded as one of the stabilising forces behind the tenure of former NSA, retired Major General Babagana Monguno.

As Principal Staff Officer at ONSA, Famadewa played strategic and operational roles during periods of intense bureaucratic and political turbulence. Despite pressures from competing interests within and outside the Presidency (Aso Rock), Monguno survived eight difficult years largely because of the institutional discipline and strategic coordination around him.

Famadewa is an intellectual soldier, a disciplined spymaster, and an unusually humble gentleman. But beneath that calm disposition lies a workaholic officer known for confronting challenges directly and methodically.

The controversy surrounding the new appointment is therefore less about competence and more about timing especially since both the NSA and the President were outside the country when it was announced. That naturally fuelled speculation.

Beyond timing, there is also concern about overlapping mandates. The titles National Security Adviser and Homeland Security Adviser are similar enough to create ambiguity in an already sensitive security environment. What exactly distinguishes national from homeland?

In bureaucratic systems, unclear lines of authority often breed rivalry, duplication, and institutional tension. This is especially delicate considering that Ribadu is a retired Assistant Inspector General of Police with strong intelligence and law enforcement credentials, while Famadewa is a retired Army Major General with intelligence expertise. In a country where inter-agency rivalry has historically weakened national security coordination, perceptions matter almost as much as policy.

Nigeria has witnessed periods when institutional harmony depended less on rank and more on personal chemistry and presidential clarity. There was even a time when an Army Colonel serving as NSA commanded greater inter-agency respect than some retired generals occupying ministerial positions. That experience demonstrated that security management effectiveness is not solely determined by hierarchy but also by charismatic leadership and presidential backing.

Another dimension of the debate is the growing public concern over what I previously described as the Yorubanisation of key security appointments. Currently, strategic positions such as the Chief of Defence Staff (Military), the Inspector General of Police (Security) and the Director-General of the DSS (Intelligence) are occupied by individuals from the same broad Yoruba ethnic bloc in the Southwest, while the NSA remains the only top‑level, non‑ministerial security position occupied by a Northerner in this case, a Fulani.

Whether fair or exaggerated, such perceptions matter in a multi-ethnic federation like Nigeria, where balancing appointments remains politically sensitive.

Professionally speaking, the controversy could have been avoided if a dedicated Department or Agency of Homeland Security had been created with a clearly defined operational framework similar to the National Counter‑Terrorism Centre under ONSA, which already operates effectively under a serving military general. Such an approach would have preserved institutional clarity and strengthened operational efficiency.

Politics may be transient, but institutional reputation endures. President Tinubu has demonstrated a strong commitment to tackling insecurity in the North, and Nuhu Ribadu has invested significant political and personal capital in defending the administrationoften at considerable reputational cost. The recent commendation by President Donald Trump on Nigerias counter‑terrorism efforts and intelligence coordination with the US military, following the elimination of ISIS/ISWAP leadership just a week after Ribadus visit to Washington, underscores this point.

It is therefore understandable that the latest arrangement has raised concerns about diminished authority or strategic sidelining.

Meanwhile, the AdesinaShehu experience under Buhari shows that duplication doesnt cause dysfunction when roles are clear and egos are managed. Our security system must be protected from turf battles, policy confusion, and political interference.

The Presidency should clarify the mandates, reassure Nigerians that the security leadership is united and focused, and likewise counter the mischievous portrayal of the appointment as kishiya in Hausa.

Anything short of timely clarification risks giving critics room to make derogatory claims of used and dumped.

Yushau A. Shuaib, author of An Encounter with the Spymaster and Award-winning Crisis Communication Strategies, yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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After watching a viral video by activist lawyer, Barrister A. A. Askira, on the alleged conversion of a public health facility into a private estate in Wuye District, Abuja, I felt compelled to write this open memo to the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wikearguably one of the most powerful figures in the administration of Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

Plot 546 in Cadastral Zone B03, Wuye District3.171 hectares directly opposite the Wuye Ultra‑Modern Market, behind a public secondary school and beside the Wuye Police Stationhas now been reallocated to a Lagos-based Full Moon Estate Developers Ltd for a private residential project.

During my visit, the signboard showed a building approval dated 5 March 2026, file number FCDA/DC/BP/RSD/PHSII/31854, with Engr. Ose Peter Afeanaje is listed as the site engineer. As of Sunday, 3 May 2026, the ground-floor structures were nearing completion, raising questions about the pace of construction barely a month after approval.

Wike is, without ambiguity, a study in contrasts. On one hand, he is a forceful executor of infrastructureroads are built, bridges rise, and long‑abandoned projects receive new life. On the other hand, his political methods and administrative choices often provoke unease, even outrage. He is a figure capable of undoing with the same intensity he uses to build, considering his role in the internal collapse of the PDP during the 2023 presidential electionwhere neither Atiku Abubakar nor Peter Obi benefited while the outcome favoured Tinubus APCand in the continued weakening of the opposition for a repeat in 2027, which many attribute to his influence. These are the twin faces frequently associated with Nyesom Wike: builder and demolisher, reformer and spoiler, simultaneously. It is precisely this dualityof brilliance and belligerencethat makes the Wuye Hospital controversy so urgent and troubling. Here, the demolisher appears to overshadow the builder.

As Minister, Wike has indeed accelerated development across Abuja, building on funds and frameworks initiated by predecessors. His imprint on road networks and urban renewal is visible. Yet, governance is not only about what is built; it is equally about what is preserved. And in this case, what appears to be under threat is not just land, but public trust.

My concern is deeply personal. I have lived in Wuye District for over three decadeslong before it became the bustling urban enclave it is today. Back then, much of the area was forested, with only a few estates, such as Finance Estate, dotting the landscape. The Abuja master plan was clear and deliberate: it provided for essential public infrastructureschools, places of worship, police stations, green areas, and, critically, hospitals.

That master plan was not theoretical. It was defended. I recall how lands designated for places of worship, especially mosques, were nearly lost to encroachment until the intervention of former National Security Adviser Sambo Dasuki and former FCT Minister Bala Mohammed, who ensured that religious equity and urban balance were restored. Those precedent mattersit shows that when leadership acts, the integrity of the city can be protected.

It is therefore alarming that a prime plot of land originally designated for a public hospital in Wuye has been reallocated to a private company based in Lagoswhich was only registered a few years agofor the construction of residential properties. If this claim holds, it represents not just a policy misstep but a betrayal of planning principles.

Across Abuja, districts such as Asokoro, Garki, Wuse, Maitama, and even Kubwa have functional hospitals located on lands reserved for such purposes. Wuye, despite its rapid population growth and strategic importance, has remained without its designated hospital even though Plot 546, a 3.171-hectare site had been reserved for generations as Wuye Districts public hospital. To now reallocate it to a private Lagos developer is not just an administrative oversight. It is a betrayal of public trust signed, sealed, and fenced. it is, in the words I reluctantly choose, wickedly wicked.

Urban planning is not an arbitrary exercise. Hospitals are not luxury items to be traded for profit. They are lifelinesespecially in emergencies where proximity can mean the difference between life and death. In a country where healthcare access is already strained, deliberately shrinking public health infrastructure is indefensible.

Residents of Abuja have, over time, watched in uneasy silence as green areas, waterways, and recreational spaces gradually give way to private developments. This silence has often been mistaken for acceptance. It is not. It is restraintborn out of a desire for peace, and perhaps a belief that accountability will eventually catch up with excesses.

But there must be a line. Converting a hospital site into private mansions crosses that line. It signals a dangerous precedent where no public asset is safe from elite capture. Today it is a hospital; tomorrow it could be a school, a police post, a fire station or even a public graveyard.

Even more concerning is the pattern of questionable project execution. Streetlights installed over a year ago in parts of Wuye remain non-functionalnever blinking, never serving their purpose. Contractors appear to have been paid, yet the community remains in darkness. If such basic infrastructure cannot be delivered effectively, how do we justify reallocating critical health infrastructure?

Honourable Minister, this is an appealnot a confrontation. You have demonstrated capacity. You have shown that when you choose to act, results follow. This is an opportunity to act againthis time, not by constructing something new, but by protecting what rightfully belongs to the public.

Our appeal is: Rescind the allocation of the Wuye hospital land to the Lagos‑based Full Moon Estate Developers Ltd, halt all construction pending a full review, direct the FCDA to begin planning the Wuye District General Hospital on its originally designated site, and hold accountable any officials who may have facilitated the diversion of a public asset for private gain.

History will not judge this moment by the number of roads constructed or bridges commissioned. It will judge it by whether the rights of ordinary citizens were protected against the excesses of power.

Wuye does not need another estate for the wealthy. It needs a hospital for the people. Anything less would not just be unfortunate. It would be unjust.

Yushau A. Shuaib Author of “An Encounter with the Spymaster,” writes from yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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On the third day of the Nigeria Public Relations Week (NPRW) in Kaduna, amid intense sessions on communication, governance, and national development, I received a message that momentarily shifted my focus from policy debates to personal reflection.

The Head of the Department of Information and Media Studies at Bayero University Kano (BUK), Professor Nura Ibrahim, had reached out, inviting me to contribute an article to a scholarly journal in honour of Professor Abdalla Uba Adamu, a Professor of Science Education and Communication and Cultural Studies.

Prof. Adamu, a former Vice Chancellor of the National Open University of Nigeria (NOUN), is an exceptional mentor who exposes young scholars and communicators to international platforms, nurturing their confidence, intellectual curiosity, and professional growth. He was due to retire from the university on April 25, 2026.

The request required more than a simple yes; it demanded reflection. Almost instinctively, my mind wandered through memories of Professor Adamus visible impact in expanding NOUNs accessibility, particularly in Northern Nigeria; of the many panels we shared where, as a keynote speaker, he masterfully deconstructed the complexities of Artificial Intelligence and Digital Journalism; and of his unannounced visits to our office, where he quietly observed how we engaged interns and mentored young communicators. His leadership was always remarkably human measured, thoughtful, and deeply considerate.

But before I could even respond, a tap on my shoulder shifted my attention as another update arrived this time, in person. The Chairman of the Board of Image Merchants Promotion Limited (IMPR), Dr. Sule Yau Sule, informed me that he was cutting short his stay at the NPRW to head to Abuja for a book presentation in honour of Professor Umaru Pate, a Professor of Media and Society and the immediate past Vice Chancellor of the Federal University, Kashere (FUK).

I had received the invitation earlier but had almost overlooked it amid my packed schedule, which included a planned trip to Kano for a capacity building programme at the PRNigeria Centre. Yet something about that moment felt instructive. Prof. Pate is another extraordinary and compassionate scholar one who not only supports students while they are still learning but also opens doors for their recruitment and advancement. Many practising journalists and communicators have benefited from his efforts in securing grants, aid, and scholarships, often without even knowing he was the facilitator.

Recognising the significance of the occasion, I adjusted my plans and returned to Abuja to honour the scholar. What awaited was not just a book launch, but a gathering that reflected the depth and dignity of Nigerias academic and intellectual community.

The event brought together Vice Chancellors, politicians, scholars, journalists, traditional rulers, and students in what can best be described as a rare convergence of intellect and influence. It was, perhaps, the first time I attended a book presentation where nearly every contributor on the high table held a professorial or doctoral titlenot merely the honorary prefix of Dr. or doctor.

The book, titled Umaru Pate: An Icon of Visionary Leadership, Knowledge Transformation and Impactful Change, was edited by the Pro-Chancellor and Chairman of the Governing Council of FUK, Professor William Olu Adelumo, Professor William Olu Adelumo, himself a former Vice Chancellor in three universities. With 182 pages in eleven chapters, the volume constructs a 360-degree portrait of Pates stewardship from 2021 to 2026.

The review, delivered by Professor Muhammad Umar-Buratai, was both analytical and reflective, tracing Pates leadership philosophy to the enduring values of Fulani cultural ethospatience, discipline, humility, courage, and wisdom. It was a reminder that leadership, at its core, is often a reflection of ones formative environment.

The ceremony itself was chaired by Danjuma Goje, with Orji Uzor Kalu serving as Chief Launchertwo political figures whose presence and representation underscored the intersection between academia and governance.

Yet, beyond speeches and accolades, what truly captured the essence of the event was a documentary titled Putting FUK on the Pedestal of Development.

In a matter of minutes, the film did what pages of reports often struggle to achieveit told a story of transformation with clarity and evidence. From newly constructed male and female hostels to modern lecture theatres, road networks, laboratories, and administrative blocks, the documentary showcased a university in motion. It highlighted the establishment of a campus radio station broadcasting in multiple languages, the expansion of solar and internet infrastructure, the acquisition of vehicles and guest houseseven beyond the immediate campus environment. Perhaps most striking was the pursuit of a Medical Collegean ambitious project that required not just vision, but relentless advocacy.

What made these achievements even more remarkable was that they were funded through budgetary allocations and special grants secured through Professor Pates personal efforts much like the international support he attracted for the transformative upgrade of BUKs Faculty of Communication. The documentary concluded with scenes from his peaceful handover in February 2026, a transition many have described as a model for Nigerian universities.

Senator Goje, who described himself as a consistent supporter of the university, recounted how Professor Pate repeatedly engaged him to secure critical infrastructure needed for accreditation, including ambulances and transportation facilities. He equally commended the seamless transition of leadership at the university. In a system where vice-chancellorship successions are often fraught with tension, the peaceful and transparent handover in February 2026 stood out as a model of institutional maturity.

Reflecting on his tenure, Professor Pate spoke with characteristic humility, attributing his achievements to collective effort and divine grace. His counsel to future leaders was simple yet profound: leadership must be anchored on humility, gratitude, transparency, and credibility.

What struck me most was his initial reluctance to have the book published in his honour. He had suggested postponement, noting that many senior colleagues deserved similar recognition. But as he recalled with a smile, Professor Adelumo insisted otherwise. And rightly so.

As I reflected on the journey from Kaduna to Abuja, a clear pattern emerged. Although I missed the Kano event, the resource persons at the capacity building programme including publishers Jaafar Jaafar of Daily Nigeria and Abdullateef Jos of Solacebase, as well as Kano Police Spokesperson CSP Abdullahi Kiyawa and Dahiru Lawal, an award-winning fact checker with PRNigeria were all students, mentees, or beneficiaries of Professors Adamu and Pate.

This tribute is therefore not merely about honouring individuals; it is about preserving lessons, reinforcing values, and recognising that true leadership is measured not by position, but by impact.

Yushau A. Shuaib is the author of “Award Winning Crisis Communication Strategies” and can be reached via yashuaib@yashuaib.com.

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Nigerias political landscape is gradually heating up ahead of the 2027 general elections. Yet, beyond permutations of power, recent personal encounters have exposed a deeper concernhow dangerously our national discourse is drifting toward divisive narratives of religion and ethnicity.

Recently, I confronted a disturbing social media post by a purported Northern Muslim denigrating Jesus over political provocation. As a devout Muslim, I condemned the post unequivocally. Such conduct is not only irresponsible but fundamentally contradicts Islamic teachings. The Holy Quran accords profound respect to Christians and Jews, and to their scriptures, while honouring Jesus as the Messiah and the Word of God.

In urging restraint, I appreciated the solidarity shown by members of the Christian community and reminded both faiths that they share far more in common than what divides them. Yet, within hours, another troubling episode emerged. A Nigerian-born commentator based in America, Ejike Okpa, posted Facebook content portraying Muslims as terrorists. As a friend, I simply responded: I am a Muslim, not a terrorist. The reactions and comments that followed, especially from those I often referred to as Werekaci were unsettling and disgustingand it raised a fundamental question: will religion and ethnicity shape the political choices of the next generation as we approach 2027?

It was against this backdrop that I joined the Editor of Economic Confidential, Abdulrahman Abdulrazaq, in the inaugural PRNigeria Journalist vs PR Strategist podcast debate on whether an emerging opposition coalition could unseat an incumbent administration. While my colleague is an avowed supporter of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, I deliberately adopted a balanced positiongrounded in facts and objective analysis.

At the centre of current political calculations is the African Democratic Congress (ADC), which is evolving into the most formidable opposition alliance, similar to a coalition that eventually produced the All-Progressives Congress (APC), with Muhammadu Buhari as its presidential candidate. It was the coalition that ultimately unseated the then‑ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) under President Goodluck Jonathan in 2015.

The irony is striking. Several of the very architects of that 2015 APC triumph Atiku Abubakar, Rabiu Kwankwaso, Nasir el-Rufai, Rotimi Amaechi, Aminu Tambuwal, Rauf Aregbesola have now converged on the ADC to challenge the very man whose political machinery was central to that historic victory: Bola Tinubu.

History offers perspective. The 2015 Buharis APC coalition secured about 15 million votes (53%), defeating Jonathans 12 million (44%). It was a coalition built on strategy, shared grievance, and disciplined unity.

By contrast, the 2023 election was the most competitive since 1999. Tinubu won with 8.7 million votes (36.61%). Atiku Abubakar secured 6.9 million (29.07%). Peter Obi (Labour Party) garnered 6.1 million votes (25.40%), while Kwankwaso (NNPP) obtained 1.4 million votes (6.23%). Notably, the top three candidates each won 12 states, while Kwankwaso secured only Kano State.

Although Tinubu, who chose Senator Kashim Shettima as his running mate, met the constitutional threshold of 25% in at least 24 states, the geography of the vote revealed a fragmented mandate. Tinubu dominated the Southwest and parts of the North-Central, but Peter Obi achieved the unthinkable by defeating the incumbent in his Lagos stronghold, sweeping all the southeastern states and FCT. Meanwhile, Atiku Abubakar cleared most of the Northeast and Northwest.

More significantly, the combined votes of Atiku, Obi, and Kwankwaso exceeded 15 millionnearly double Tinubus tally. On paper, this arithmetic presents a compelling case for a unified opposition. Together, they commanded electoral strength across more than 25 statesenough to satisfy constitutional requirements. But elections are not won on arithmetic alone.

The real challenge lies in unity, ego management, and coalition discipline. Nigerian political history is replete with alliances that collapsed under the weight of personal ambition. The same forces that could make the opposition formidable could also render it fragile.

The 2023 experience is instructive. Obis refusal to serve as a running mate and Atikus miscalculation in overlooking Nyesom Wike as his deputy weakened the opposition and accelerated the fragmentation of the PDPa party that once governed Nigeria for sixteen years.

While an AtikuObi alignment may constitute the most formidable opposition configuration against the TinubuShettima ticket, alternative permutations are likely to be politically unviable or suicidal.

While an AtikuObi alignment would represent the strongest opposition configuration against the TinubuShettima ticket, alternative permutations may amount to political futility or suicidal.

While the opposition coalition is anchoring its campaign on prevailing insecurity and socioeconomic instability, President Tinubus administration has taken steps to address political sensitivities. Northerners occupy key security positions, including the Defence Ministers and the National Security Adviser, while prominent Christians head major economic institutions, including the Finance Ministers and the Central Bank Governormoves widely interpreted as efforts to balance concerns arising from the Muslim-Muslim ticket.

The administrations revenue reforms particularly through the Nigeria Revenue Service (NRS) have also increased allocations to subnational governments via the Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC). Similarly, Nigerias measured diplomatic response to external pressures, including reckless remarks by U.S. President Donald Trump on alleged religious persecution, averted unnecessary geopolitical escalation seen in countries such as Venezuela and Iran.

Yet, beyond governance, the power of incumbency remains decisive. Control of institutions, influence over political structures, and access to state resources often shape electoral outcomes beyond public sentiment.

Equally concerning is the growing intrusion of ethnoreligious sentiment into political discourse. Supporter groups across party lines have, at times, resorted to divisive rhetoric that undermines national cohesion. If unchecked, such narratives risk overshadowing critical debates on the economy, security, and governance.

There is also the question of external influence. Claims that foreign actors could shape Nigerias electoral outcomes should be approached with caution. Global experience suggests that domestic realities ultimately prevail.

For both the ruling party and the opposition, the lessons are clear. If the opposition fails to consolidate, history may repeat itself. Similarly, if the ruling party becomes power drunk or tampers with its winning formula, it could also face unexpected consequences. In the end, 2027 will not merely be a contest of candidatesit will be a test of democratic maturity.

The gladiators on both sides would do well to study history. Nigeria has seen this script beforeand the ending is rarely flattering.

Yushau A. Shuaib is the author of An Encounter with the Spymaster. Email: yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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