Daddy, Daddy dont be scared. Everything is under control. Suleman was crushed by a hit-and-run drunkard, but he is currently admitted at Cedarcrest.

That was the message from my son, Saad, last Monday morning in Kano a morning when I was preparing to open an executive training programme we were hosting with the Bureau of Public Service Reform (BPSR). I had been in the city for more than a week, overseeing the PRNigeria Young Communication Fellowship. The days had been full and productive. The BPSR training was meant to cap the visit. I was in conversation with the Director General, Dr. Dasuki I. Arabi, making final preparations before participants arrived, when the call came.

I have been a father long enough to recognise the sound of a child carrying a weight he was never designed to carry. Saad is measured by temperament, not easily rattled. The phrase dont be scared told me before any detail that there was something to fear.

Dr. Arabi noticed the shift in my expression immediately. He paused and asked quietly whether there had been a fracture. I was still on the phone, asking the only question a father in that moment knows how to ask: Is he conscious? Is he talking?

Saad replied, Everything is in the hands of God. Continue your programme, Dad. We have it under control.

He was trying to protect me. I am a hypertension patient. Since my traumatic experience at the National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies (NIPSS) an ordeal I have documented elsewhere my family has maintained an unspoken protocol around how they deliver difficult news. They weigh their words before they give them to me. That morning, I could feel the weight of what Saad was not saying.

I returned to the training. The professional in me took over, as it has always done in moments of crisis the body occupies the room, the voice delivers what it must, while the mind runs on two tracks. But the second track, replaying Saads call, was louder than I would have liked.

I had already sent the deposit money to Cedarcrest. Whatever was needed would be provided. That was the only action available to me from Kano, and I took it without hesitation. But action and peace of mind are different things, and I had only one of them.

Gidado gave me the first real breath. He sent a photograph Suleman in his hospital bed, arm raised, making the victory sign. That image did something to me that no reassuring word had managed. A young man crushed by a vehicle, hospitalised, facing surgery, and his first instinct was to raise his hand in defiance of what had happened to him. I looked at that photograph for a long time.

But I had already decided, quietly, to take the earliest possible flight back to Abuja. I told the participants the next morningwithout unnecessary detailthat I needed to cut my stay short.

They were gracious. I was on a Wednesday morning flight.

Nothing prepares a father for the sight of his child in a hospital bed after trauma. What I heard when I arrived broke my heart in ways I did not expect. Only then did I learn the full truth my family had deliberately shielded from me until I reached the hospital.

Suleman had been taking his early morning walk after Subhi and other morning prayers when a driverappearing from nowhereran him over at top speed. Seeing blood gush from his body, the man fled instantly, fearing my son was dead.

A medical doctor, Chidi Umeokoli who is a family friend, arrived just in time. I do not use the term god sent lightly, but in that moment, Umeokoli was exactly that. He assessed the injuries with the calm competence of his training, fully aware that the manner of evacuation in trauma cases matters enormously that a spine moved carelessly can turn a survivable accident into something irreversible.

He secured help from a Federal Road Safety vehicle. With lights and siren, they beat the Abuja traffic. Suleman reached Cedarcrest one of the countrys foremost orthopaedic and trauma centres in time. In the back of the emergency vehicle, bleeding and in pain, genuinely uncertain, Suleman asked his brother whether he was going to die.

Saad answered with a courage only love can produce steady, composed, refusing even to cry inside himself.

There are fractures. There are surgeries ahead. But his head is intact. His spine is intact. He speaks clearly, fully aware of where he is and what happened. In a road accident of this severity crushed by a vehicle driven by a man too irresponsible to remain at the scene, too cowardly to face what he had done these are not small mercies. They are the kind of mercies people of faith spend lifetimes praying for.

That gesture that small, defiant raising of a hand by Suleman in pain just to reassure his father tells me everything I need to know about the son I raised, and the son I intend to see fully recovered.

We pray that Suleman will walk out of Cedarcrest Hospital whole after the next surgery.

Yushau A. Shuaib, author of “NIPSS: MNI Versus MNIPR- Tackling Institutional Bullying” yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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I was reluctant to make this disclosure. For weeks, I weighed silence against the obligation to be transparent. In the end, a video forced the matter: footage of my brotherly friend, Omoyele Sowore, leading a Tinubu Must Go procession. It reminded me that this dilemma has a public dimension I can no longer keep to myself.

Let me begin with context. Sowore and I have maintained a cordial relationship despite our different orientations his rooted in activist journalism, mine in strategic communication. When I was removed from federal public service after my well-documented altercation with then Finance Minister Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, Sowore used his platform, energy, and resources to defend me at a time when few were willing to be publicly associated with the controversy. That kind of solidarity is hard to forget.

When I later served as a communications consultant to a sensitive office and our media placements appeared on Sahara Reporters, which he still publishes, a misunderstanding followed. During my transit in New York on my way to Las Vegas, he declined to see me, suspecting, I believe, that I had come to compromise his editorial independence on behalf of the then National Security Adviser, Colonel Sambo Dasuki. He treated the man the same way.

Ironically, he and Dasuki later found common ground in a DSS detention cell, and were released the same day. I have never sought a favour from Sowore that he refused, except for one occasion when he confronted me over an article supporting Okonjo Iwealas WTO aspiration. I respected his candour then, as I do now.

I offer this context not to demonstrate proximity to power on either side, but because the dilemma I am about to describe only makes sense against this background.

A few weeks ago, Kashifu Inuwa a highly respected technocrat from the North and a strong supporter of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and the First Lady, Remi Tinubu invited me to his office. Known nationwide for championing digital literacy and transformation that has empowered training centres and young people, Kashifu came straight to the point: he wanted my professional guidance in building a movement.

Before I could respond, he named it: Tinubu Must Stay for Continuity, Stability and Prosperity.

I asked why the framing was not simply Tinubu Should Stay. His explanation was strategic, not sentimental. The movement was intended as a counter-narrative to the Tinubu Must Go campaign, which he believed had gained momentum from northern opposition quarters aligned with former Vice President Atiku Abubakar. He needed a response that matched the oppositions framing without conceding its terms.

He asked me to commit within 24 hours. I requested more time, but he held firm. I told him I would return with an assessment. The question was not whether I supported the President. The question was whether I could support a campaign on terms that were professionally defensible.

I asked my team to run a perception index and sentiment analysis on recent campaigns around the President. Using PRrev PRNigerias cross-platform media monitoring software supported by NITDA the findings were sobering. Negative sentiment, especially on social media, was not just high; it showed a level of public disaffection that no honest communicator could mask with slogans or rallies.

I then consulted a cohort of young communicators professionals in their late twenties and early thirties, from different regions and with no political affiliations. I asked if they would support the Tinubu Must Stay campaign. Their initial response was lukewarm. But I pressed further. I asked them to independently assess the administrations verifiable achievements against the weight of public grievance. What they brought back was more instructive than I anticipated.

They found that Tinubu facilitated the takeoff of new medical universities not only in the South, but also in Tsafe and Funtua in the North institutions many Nigerians hardly know exist. They noted hundreds of housing units commissioned across northern states and a marked rise in federation account allocations to states and local governments, funds that previous administrations often diverted into federal intervention schemes like PTF, DFRRI and SURE P. Security improvements were equally notable: new military divisions, acquisition of sophisticated armaments, and better personnel remuneration.

These were concrete, documented, verifiable facts that had not penetrated public consciousness because communication around them had been, to put it mildly, inadequate buried in technical statistics and figures that ordinary citizens rarely engage with.

Three of the young communicators who had been most reluctant became the most thorough in their research. By the end of the exercise, they joined the movement voluntarily, without inducement. To me, that was more significant than any polling data. It suggested that the deficit was not in the administrations record it was in the communication of that record.

When I returned to Kashifu, I recommended that the campaign be strictly evidence-based: facts, data, documented outcomes, and verifiable comparisons. I also cautioned against attacks on opposition personalities and confrontational posturing toward anti-government movements. No hired crowds. No orchestrated demonstrations. No manufactured street energy. No faking.

The forum would contribute intellectual rigour to the national conversation, not spectacle. A communication campaign built on verifiable facts does not need to shout down its critics. It simply needs to be heard.

Then, as I finalised my position, Sowores video emerged. My brotherly friend the man who stood with me when others did not was now supporting the very movement my professional guidance was retained to counter. I do not know whether he will formally align with the Atiku Abubakar camp, based on endorsements from initial conveners in the North.

As a student and practitioner of public relations, I believe the battle for public opinion in the months ahead will not be won by the side that shouts loudest, marches furthest, or commands the most digital noise. It will be won by the side that builds the most credible narrative around verifiable reality.

If the administrations achievements are as substantial as the data suggest, then failing to communicate them is a failure of professional executionnot a failure of governance. And that failure can be corrected.

Yushau A. Shuaib is the author of An Encounter with the Spymaster and NIPSS: MNI Versus MNIPR- Tackling Institutional Bullying. yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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I approach national security and intelligence operations with deliberate caution. Revealing successes too early can compromise ongoing missions; failures narrated without context can sound like conspiracy theories. Allegations against individuals working at the sensitive intersection of intelligence, non-kinetic security strategy, and politics can inflict irreversible reputational damageeven when entirely fabricated.

That caution explains my initial reluctance to write on the recent viral video purporting to show high-profile bandit kingpins on a visit to the residence of Senator Shehu Umar Buba of Bauchi South. But the scale of the circulation, and the pattern behind it, now demand public clarification.

I have known Senator Buba for about two years, during investigations into non-kinetic approaches to counter insurgency in Northern Nigeria. In that period, senior security and intelligence officials including the Office of the National Security Adviser under Malam Nuhu Ribadu provided information that did not support any of the banditry allegations repeatedly circulated against him. This does not certify perfection; it simply reflects what the evidence showed.

The campaign against him is not new. The allegations took formal shape in September 2024, when Bauchi State Governor Bala Mohammed, once an ally of Senator Buba, petitioned President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. The petition claimed that the senator, through an aide named Yahaya Ibrahim, sponsored a bandit kingpin to the 2024 Hajj and distributed motorcycles to bandits. Senator Buba denied the claims, insisted he had no aide by that name, and explained that his Hajj sponsorships like his scholarships, medical outreach and other empowerment initiatives are based on recommendations from community and religious leaders, and that he does not personally screen or identify the beneficiaries. No investigation has contradicted his explanation.

After the petition failed to gain traction, the same narratives resurfaced through social media influencers with far lower evidentiary thresholds. Since mid 2025, photographs and videos alleging Bubas support for bandits have surfaced periodically. In professional verification chats with mainstream media organisations and senior editors who had received similar allegations and multimedia including a respected Abuja bureau chief who is also a media scholar with strong investigative credentials, the publisher of Zagazola, and a US‑based northern Nigerian journalist‑activist all examined the materials and declined to publish them because they found no substantiation. Their restraint was professional judgment, not fear.

Nevertheless, Senator Buba petitioned security agencies to investigate the disinformation network. Several suspects including a lawyer and three influencers were arrested, while a fifth suspect, Hassan, fled the country.

On October 30, 2025, the suspects were arraigned before Justice Rita Ofili Ajumogobia on charges of criminal conspiracy, cyberstalking, defamation, advance fee fraud, and extortion. The prosecution alleges they broadcast false videos accusing Senator Buba the then Chairman of the Senate Committee on National Security and Intelligence of sponsoring banditry and causing a breakdown of law and order. The extortion charge suggests the campaign may have been more commercial than political at that time.

In July 2026, a fresh petition emergedthis time against Muhammad Abdullahi Abubakar, SAN, former Bauchi governor and APC gubernatorial candidate for defaming Senator Buba. Filed by Jay Adl Attorneys, it alleged cyberstalking, criminal defamation, incitement, and disturbance of public peace, following viral statements in which Abubakar questioned the senators wealth and insinuated blood money. The political context is clear: Senator Buba defected from the APC to the PRP and is now the PRPs gubernatorial candidate. The disinformation campaign, the rivalry, and the legal proceedings are intertwined.

Meanwhile, the latest episode came in August 2026 when a content creator known as D English Alhaji circulated a video claiming to show bandit kingpins at a senators residence. PRNigerias fact check established that the video was a splice of two unrelated clips: Kaduna based Hajj returnees visiting Senator Buba in 2023, speaking Fulfulde/Fulani, and a separate group of individuals displaying passports and speaking English. Neither clip involved bandits. The content creator later interviewed Hassan the fugitive suspect who supplied the footage. The interview went viral with some funny allegations.

By the way, how can anyone seriously believe a narrative by the same Hassan in the interview claiming that bandits were brought to Abuja of all places to be trained by security agencies? How does such an implausible story even survive a moment of scrutiny?

This pattern reveals the architecture of modern disinformation: an old fabrication, rejected by responsible media, is retrieved, re edited, and repackaged for amplification by social media operators who understand that novelty can make old lies feel new. Algorithms reward outrage, giving reckless content creators a competitive advantage over those who exercise restraint. This is not accidental; it is structural.

I am cautious about character testimony, but after two years of engagement with Senator Buba in contexts where performance matters more than presentation, some observations are relevant. He is a man of few words, not given to the theatrics of Nigerian politics. His work in non kinetic securitypersuasion, community engagement, de-radicalisationhas, by credible accounts, helped reduce abductions along the Abuja Kaduna expressway and in Birnin Gwari, among others. Such work cannot be publicised without compromising community leaders or inviting sabotage from actors who profit from instability.

His philanthropic record is independently documented. A Trust TV documentary captured the breadth of his medical outreach across Bauchi and Plateau, showing Muslims and Christians among the beneficiaries. Monthly medical support programmes of that scale leave traces in communities and hospitals; they are not easy to fabricate.

None of this places Senator Buba beyond scrutiny. Public officials must be examined. But the evidence consistently shows that the allegations against him sponsoring banditry, hosting bandit kingpins are manufactured, and the machinery producing them is driven by electoral competition rather than civic concern.

When recycled footage, political rivalry, and social media algorithms converge, even a debunked falsehood can acquire a second life. In such an environment, a public figures communication strategy becomes as important as the truth itself.

Yushau A. Shuaib, the author of An Encounter with the Spymaster and MNI versus MNIPR in NIPSS , yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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When the Presidential Spokesman, Bayo Onanuga, announced that President Bola Tinubu had constituted an eleven‑man committee to develop a National Threat Assessment and a Strategic Defence Operations Plan within ninety days, several things struck me with about four months to the general elections even before I reached the substance of the directive.

The first was a detail so small it might ordinarily escape notice. The release identified Major General Adeyinka A. Famadewa, the Presidents Special Adviser on Homeland Security being tasked to coordinate the committee and provide secretariat support. His name appeared without the designation Rtd retired after his military rank. In routine communication, such an omission may be a harmless editorial slip. But in security communication, precision is not a luxury; it is a discipline.

The substance of the directive, however, is consequential. The President has mandated the committee to produce the plan that will establish medium‑term operational priorities by identifying force requirements, capability gaps, and equipment needs across all theatres.

The committees membership is composed of named individuals, not offices a significant distinction. It includes the National Security Adviser, Malam Nuhu Ribadu; the Minister of Defence, General Christopher Musa; the Minister of State for Defence, Alhaji Bello Muhammad Matawalle; the Chief of Defence Staff, General Olufemi Oluyede; the service chiefs; and the heads of the DSS and NIA. Naming individuals rather than offices removes the flexibility of substitution and attaches personal accountability to the mandate. That means the meeting with not be by representation or delegation.

Yet the composition raises legitimate questions the release did not address. The Inspector General of Police and the Chief of Defence Intelligence are absent. So are the heads of the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps and the Nigeria Immigration Service. Whether these omissions reflect a deliberate architectural choice or an oversight is unclear. But in a country where internal security, public order, and counter‑insurgency rely heavily on policing and civil defence structures, their absence is not a trivial matter.

The release cited a single operational event the rescue of pupils and teachers abducted in Oriire LGA of Oyo State as justification for the new initiative. The rescue was indeed commendable. But anchoring a national‑level defence planning directive on one successful southern operation inadvertently reinforces the asymmetry in how security successes across Nigerias regions are framed. Comparable and often larger rescue operations in the North‑East and North‑West from freeing abducted students to reclaiming communities from insurgents have received far less national attention.

Nigeria is not a country that lacks security strategy documents. If anything, it has produced them in abundance. The ninety‑day mandate would benefit from an honest reckoning with what already exists and what became of it.

In 2013, under President Goodluck Jonathan, Nigeria launched a comprehensive national security architecture built on three interconnected documents: the National Counter Terrorism Strategy (NACTEST), the National Security Strategy (NSS) and the National Cybersecurity Policy and Strategy.

NACTEST, initiated by NSA Colonel Sambo Dasuki (Rtd), rested on five pillars Forestall, Secure, Identify, Prepare, and Implement and mandated periodic reviews every five to ten years.

Under President Muhammadu Buhari, the Office of the National Security Adviser, led by Major General Babagana Monguno (Rtd), revised the framework of NACTEST and launched the National Crisis Management Doctrine (NCMD) in 2022. The NCMD translated broad policy directives into concrete crisis protocols, establishing standardised command structures, strategic communication channels, and escalation pathways for coordinated national response.

Under the current administration, the Office of the National Security Adviser unveiled the NCTC Strategic Plan 20252030, a five‑year roadmap for preventing and countering violent extremism built on intelligence fusion, inter‑agency collaboration, operational capacity building, and strategic communications. It was unveiled in November 2025 by Senate President Godswill Akpabio on behalf of President Tinubu, while NCTC Cordinator Major General Adamu Garba Laka represented Ribadu at the occasion.

The logical question the ninety‑day committee must answer before drafting a single page is simple: What is the relationship between its new mandate and the frameworks that already exist? Is the new Strategic Defence Operations Plan intended to replace NACTEST, the NCMD, and the NCTC Strategic Plan? Will it sit alongside them? Is it a military‑specific operational layer beneath the broader national security architecture? If so, how will coordination be ensured?

Onanugas release contains a paragraph that deserves particular attention. It states that once approved, the proposed plan would serve as the principal framework for coordinating military and defence operations over the medium term and would guide a multi‑year defence expenditure and procurement plan.

The emphasis on military and defence operations and spending rather than national security in the broader sense is telling. It may align with the committees composition, which is heavily weighted toward the armed services and intelligence agencies, and with the choice of a retired Major General Famadewa as coordinator rather than the NSA, whose remit covers the entire national security spectrum.

Ribadus background is in civilian law enforcement he retired as an Assistant Inspector General of Police before his distinguished career at the EFCC and in politics. His placement as a member rather than coordinator reflects a committee architecture that is primarily military in orientation. Whether this orientation is appropriate for Nigerias diverse security challenges from economic crime and banditry to coastal piracy and electoral violence is a legitimate question for scholars and policymakers.

The most consequential paragraph in the release is the one that received the least attention. It notes that the proposed framework will guide multi‑year defence expenditure, ensuring resources are directed toward agreed operational priorities. That is funding and funding is where seriousness is ultimately tested.

Nigeria has a long history of producing sophisticated security strategy documents that were quietly shelved once the budget cycle arrived and political priorities shifted. The question now is whether the new plan will emphasise expenditure more than operational efficiency and whether it will avoid becoming another well‑written document without practical impact.

A ninety‑day planning exercise can produce a credible framework, but it must be backed by a realistic, legislatively supported multi‑year funding commitment. It should not demand excessive new spending, especially at a time when the country continues to borrow heavily for major capital projects.

In the concluding paragraph of the release, the President tasked not individual officers but the Office of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation (OSGF) and the Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA) to give immediate effect to the directive. Their compliance and the quality of output from the committees named members will define the next ninety days.

With the general election approaching, the ninety days will tell us much, while the budget will tell us the rest.

Yushau A. Shuaib is the author of “MNI Versus MNIPR in NIPSS- Tackling institutional Bullying” yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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After the bishops recent closed‑door meeting with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Cardinal John Onaiyekan made a striking claim: that presidential aides are shielding the President from the true suffering in the country, presenting a false rosy picture, and that Tinubu already appears desperate about winning the 2027 election.

As a writer and observer of governance, I share that concern. A president who controls the instruments of state, commands a united party, and faces a divided opposition has little rational cause for electoral anxiety unless overzealous handlers are manufacturing threats where few exist.

The question therefore deserves to be asked plainly: what exactly is President Bola Ahmed Tinubu afraid of?

The EFCCs freezing of the Osun State Governments accounts barely a week before the governorship election citing a court order later reversed by the President himself was not merely a legal misstep. It was a political signal of ‘over‑sabi’ that familiar Yoruba expression for excessive, misdirected overzealousness gone disastrously wrong. It also raised a question that goes beyond Osuns finances and cuts to the heart of governance in Abuja: are these the deliberate choices of a confident presidency, or the panicked manoeuvres of handlers who have convinced the President that 2027 is a battle he might lose?

Because by any honest reading of Nigerias political landscape, the evidence for such fear is astonishingly thin.

Tinubu enters the 2027 cycle with structural advantages unmatched in recent democratic history.

He controls the executive machinery of the Federal Government with unusual cohesion. The CBN and NRS, custodians of the national treasury and revenue and the full architecture of anti‑corruption agencies operate within a presidency facing no internal rebellion. The security services police, DSS, and the military answer to the Commander‑in‑Chief. INEC operates within a constitutional framework that any well‑resourced incumbent can navigate with relative ease.

Why should he entertain fear? His party, the APC, has absorbed opposition defections at a rate that has reshaped the electoral map. Several governors elected on opposition platforms in 2023 have since crossed over, weakening the institutional backbone of any credible challenge. The PDP, Labour Party, and other formations remain fractured much like 2023, when the split between Atiku Abubakar, Peter Obi, and Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso arguably delivered the presidency to Tinubu on the platter of gold. Has he forgotten that blessing in disguise?

Tinubu won the 2023 election under conditions far more hostile than anything he faces today. President Muhammadu Buhari was not enthusiastic about his candidacy. Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, Senate President Ahmed Lawan, ministers, and other APC heavyweights were either rivals or reluctant supporters. Yet Tinubu prevailed.

He now enters 2027 with those internal rivals neutralised and with the incumbency advantage he lacked in 2023.
So why are his handlers suddenly desperate even flirting with anti‑democratic impulses?

Should a president who survived 2023s turbulence now need anti‑corruption agencies freezing a states accounts one week before an election to prove loyalty?

Governance under Tinubu is mixed but not devoid of genuine achievements. Abuja, under the politically abrasive but undeniably effective Nyesom Wike, has witnessed accelerated infrastructural development: roads, housing schemes, and urban renewal projects visible to anyone who drives through the city. One may dislike his crude politics, but his performance as minister rivals the El‑Rufai era. Had these and other ministerial achievements been properly documented and consistently communicated, wouldnt they have formed a persuasive counter‑narrative to critics?

The Ministry of Information and National Orientation has also done strategic work in countering the internationally amplified Christian genocide narrative a framing that ignored the Muslim communities devastated by banditry and terrorism in the North‑West and North‑East. Doesnt the lobbying that produced a more balanced posture from Washington including under President Donald Trump reflect a sophistication in foreign‑policy communication that deserves amplification?

The administration has increased military remuneration, strengthening loyalty to civilian command. The foiling of a reported coup attempt further consolidates military alignment with the presidency.Do these achievements justify political panic?

One under‑analysed dimension of Tinubus political arithmetic is the legacy of the MuslimMuslim ticket. The TinubuShettima pairing was controversial in 2023, with critics warning it would alienate Christian voters. Yet, paradoxically after the victory, the administration has appointed Christian technocrats to some of the most economically sensitive ministries and key security portfolios alongside many Yoruba appointees. Whether by design or necessity, hasnt the MuslimMuslim ticket ended up delivering significant Christian representation at the apex of federal governance?

Retaining Shettima for 2027 follows the same logic: consolidate the Muslim North especially the core North that delivered decisive margins while Christian appointments counterbalance the optics. It is a defensible strategy. But doesnt it require sophisticated communication which has not always been forthcoming?

Back to Osun: The real danger. The EFCCs freezing of Osuns accounts days before an election was legally arguable but politically indefensible. The timing made it impossible to interpret as anything other than partisan interference. The President‑ordered reversal after the alleged court order only confirmed what the optics had already declared.

The damage is not to Governor Ademola Adeleke or the opposition party. The damage is to President Tinubu. It invites the central question every overzealous enforcement action provokes: did the President authorise this and other similar actions, including judicial manoeuvres?

If yes, it suggests a president anxious about 2027 despite overwhelming structural advantages or one willing to compromise institutional integrity for marginal electoral gain. If no, it suggests something equally dangerous: that agencies are acting in his name without his knowledge, and that the presidency is unable to control institutions under its authority.

Neither interpretation flatters the presidency. Both are politically corrosive.

Nigeria has seen this pattern before. Weaponising anti‑corruption agencies does not strengthen incumbents. It delegitimises institutions, hardens opposition resolve, generates sympathy for targeted figures, and provides ammunition to international observers already sceptical of Nigerias democratic governance.

Does the arithmetic of intimidation ever favour the intimidator?

Tinubu is not a political novice. He is one of the most strategically sophisticated political minds Nigeria has produced. The Lagos model whatever its imperfections demonstrates his ability to build and sustain political structures over decades.

Which makes the question more urgent: who is advising him that these manoeuvres are necessary? Are they genuinely trying to secure his re‑election?
Or are some exploiting his perceived anxiety for their own selfish interests?

Because the greatest threat to a Tinubu second term is not Atiku Abubakar, Peter Obi, or Kwankwaso. It is the growing perception that a confident presidency is behaving like one that is not.

Yushau A. Shuaib is the author of “MNI Versus MNIPR in NIPSS” on Tackling institutional Bullying. yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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By Yushau A. Shuaib

Ahmed Balarabe Saids new book Arent We All PR People? is one of those rare works that immediately announce themselves as more than textbooks. It is a field guide, a mentor in print, and a career compass for anyone stepping into the demanding but rewarding world of Public Relations. After carefully reviewing the book, I am genuinely temptedwithout any flatteryto call it the definitive PR career guide for emerging communicators. It is a standout resource that sets a new benchmark for the field.

Balarabe, a Mass Communication graduate of Bayero University Kano (BUK) more than two decades ago, is not merely a communication scholar; he is a true PR professional in every sense of the wordfar beyond regulatory certification. Calling him a practitioner feels almost inadequate because he breathes, speaks, writes, and conducts himself with the instinctive discipline of someone who genuinely lives and promotes Public Relations through his relationships, engagements, and professional ethos.

What makes this book remarkable is not only its breadth but its narrative style. Balarabe writes with a clarity that demystifies PR practice and a warmth that draws readers into the professions human side. His storytelling approach, just like my recently released memoir “MNI Versus MNIPR in NIPSS,” creates curiosity, making even foundational principles feel fresh and urgent. For budding communicators who often encounter PR as abstract theory, this book offers something different: a vivid, practical, and relatable journey into the craft.

Several chapters carry uniquely crafted titles that immediately spark curiosity and offer clear glimpses into their thematic direction. Chapter One, From Ancient Rhetoric to Digital Dialogue, sets the tone by tracing the evolution of communication from classical persuasion to todays fast‑paced digital exchanges. Other standout chaptersA Constellation of Concepts, Professionalising the Practice, That Good PR Practitioner, A Universe of Opportunities, Some of Your Mentors, Ethical Traps and Hidden Dangers, You and AI, and PR Shotspresent their subjects with clarity and creative framing. PR Shots, in particular, is an engaging compilation of short, sharp professional posts originally shared on social media, now curated into a chapter that reads like a pocket guide for daily practice. The final chapter, which foregrounds the emerging role of Public Relations in Nigerias national project, provides a thoughtful and forward‑looking conclusionpositioning PR not just as a profession but as a strategic pillar in nation‑building.

The book succeeds on multiple fronts. First, it bridges the gap between theory and practice. Many PR texts lean heavily on academic frameworks, leaving young practitioners unsure how to apply them in real‑world situations. Balarabe flips that script. He grounds every concept in lived experiencecrisis moments, ethical dilemmas, communication landmines, and the subtle art of managing reputation. The result is a book that teaches not only what PR is but how PR is done.

Second, the book is structured to guide readers through the profession with increasing depth. From foundational ethics to the anatomy of a good practitioner, from crisis communication to the evolving role of AI, each chapter builds on the last with intentional clarity. The inclusion of real personalitiesrole models whose careers illuminate different pathways in the fieldadds a human dimension that young readers will find both inspiring and instructive.

Third, Balarabe demonstrates a rare courage in addressing contemporary issues. His challenge to the Nigerian Institute of Public Relations (NIPR) on the absence of AI regulation is bold and necessary. His exploration of digital crises, misinformation, and emerging technologies shows a practitioner who understands that PR is evolving rapidlyand that the next generation must be prepared for a landscape far more complex than what existed a decade ago.

The book also shines in its treatment of ethics. Balarabe does not present ethics as a checklist but as the backbone of professional credibility. His insistence that ethical grounding must precede technical skill is a message young communicators urgently need. In a world where speed often competes with accuracy, and visibility competes with integrity, this emphasis is both timely and timeless.

One of the books strongest features is its use of narrative to teach principles. Balarabes storiesof practitioners, crises, institutions, and turning pointsare not decorative. They are instructional. They show how PR works in real life, how reputations are built and broken, and how communicators must think, act, and adapt. This narrative approach makes the book accessible without sacrificing depth.

The book is also refreshingly honest. It does not romanticise the profession. It acknowledges the pressures, the politics, the ethical crossroads, and the emotional labour involved in communication work. Yet it balances this realism with optimism, reminding readers that PR remains one of the most impactful careers for those who master its principles.

For emerging communicators, this book will serve as a mentor. For educators, it will be a teaching companion. For practitioners, it will be a reminder of the disciplines core values. And for the profession at large, it will be a contribution that strengthens the intellectual and practical foundation of PR in Nigeria.

In my sincere assessment, this book is more than a guide. It is a benchmark. A resource that will inspire, instruct, and challenge. A book that emerging communicators will return to repeatedly as they navigate their careers.

And truly, Arent We All PR People is a book our profession has been waiting for.

Yushau A. Shuaib, Award‑Winning PR Practitioner, is the author of MNI Versus MNIPR in NIPSS- Tackling Institutional Bullying yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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When a sponsored attack song backfires, it reveals everything about the sponsors and nothing damaging about the target.

A brief disclosure is necessary before I proceed. In December 2018, Jamilu Gwamna then Managing Director of the Kano Electricity Distribution Company (KEDCO) personally approved the removal and reinstallation of electric poles to support the expansion of the PRNigeria Centre in Kano. That gesture of institutional goodwill remains unforgettable. His spokesperson, Ibrahim Shawai, who still serves in that role today, has also been a long standing professional colleague. I state this up front because transparency about relationships is the foundation of credible commentary, and what I am about to say directly touches on the political contest in which Gwamna is now a participant.

I must also clarify my relationship with Isa Ali Pantami. I have closely monitored the evolution of Nigerias digital economy ecosystem since his days as Director General of NITDA and throughout his tenure as Minister of Communications and Digital Economy. That monitoring led to active promotion of legitimate achievements and a sustained effort to counter malicious narratives directed at him. It also resulted in a book documenting his trials and triumphs. My engagement with Pantami has always been based strictly on public service record nothing more, nothing less.

For more than two years, Pantami has openly signalled his intention to contest the governorship of Gombe State. There were early indications that Governor Muhammadu Inuwa Yahaya might not remain neutral in the APC primary. I raised this concern with the Governors spokesperson, Ismaila Misilli, during the launch of Pantamis books in Abuja in January 2024. Misilli consistently reassured me that the Governor would be fair to all aspirants.

When Shawai later informed me that Jamilu Gwamna would also be contesting after securing the APC ticket, I did what fairness required: I told him directly that any press release or material his candidate issued would be published on our platforms at no cost the same courtesy extended to Pantami, who had paid his dues in national service. Equity demanded nothing less.
This week, precisely last Thursdays evening after Shawai discussed a release and a new photograph of his candidate with me which we published immediately a video began circulating less than twenty four hours later.

In it, APC Hausa praise singer Kahutu Rarara did not merely criticise Pantami; he accused him of drug addiction, alleged corruption, and issued thinly veiled threats of referral to anti corruption agencies. He then, in the same breath, lavished praise on Jamilu Gwamna, the APC governorship candidate. The sponsorship was not implied. It was announced.

The response was swift, fierce, and deeply instructive. Clerics who had previously criticised Pantami came out in his defence. Scholars who had held reservations issued statements of solidarity. Politicians in opposing camps expressed sympathy. Social media influencers with no particular allegiance condemned Rarara in terms sharper than anything he had directed at his target. Without spending a kobo or uttering a word in his own defence, Pantami gained more followers, more sympathisers, and more vocal supporters in forty eight hours than any conventional campaign event could have delivered.

The attack produced the exact opposite of its intended effect. This is not a coincidence. It is a textbook case of demarketing by incompetence a lesson written in real time for anyone willing to read it.

I have made this point repeatedly in professional settings, and it bears restating with the specificity this episode demands. There is a fundamental difference between publicity, where noise and trend matter, and public relations, where substance and credibility matter. Many politicians and campaign managers behave as though the two are interchangeable assuming that anyone with a large audience or a talent for generating noise is automatically a useful campaign instrument. This is a costly error.

Publicity measures reach and volume. Public relations measures credibility and consequence.
A praise singer with hundreds of thousands of followers can generate trend after trend, but if his credibility is already compromised, every trend he generates carries the stench of that compromise. The audience does not simply receive the message; it filters it through what it already knows about the messenger. When a campaign instrument is perceived as mercenary, every message it carries is contaminated.

Kahutu Rarara is not an artist in the tradition of musicians who use their platforms to advocate justice or accountability. He is, by his own pattern, a hired tongue available to praise whoever pays and to attack whoever his current patron designates. He has performed this function against former Kano Governors Ibrahim Shekarau and Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, among others. In each case, those he vilified were, in other seasons, recipients of his flattery when patronage flowed in their direction. Nigerians are not unaware of this. His credibility as an independent voice is precisely zero. That is why there can be no basis for comparing a global musical icon like Davido with Rarara after their public clash in June 2026 over Nigerias kidnapping crisis.

Any campaign strategist who deployed him for this assignment either failed to conduct the most basic perception audit or conducted one and ignored it. Either way, the professional failure belongs to the architects of the strategy not to Rarara, who simply did what Rarara does.

While publicity chases attention, public relations earns trust. And the most damaging form of demarketing is when an opposition relies on a weak, hate-driven campaigner who resorts to ignorance, arrogance, and indecency. Such tactics almost always backfire, instantly boosting public sympathy and solidarity for the reputable competitor without them spending a single penny. That is exactly what we are witnessing in the case of Rararas attack song against Pantami.

Yushau A. Shuaib is the author of Pantami: Trials & Triumphs of a Digital Economy Maestro. Email: yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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Crisis communication teaches one hard truth: silence doesn’t calm a crisis; it fuels it. When leaders fail to engage, their silence is easily read as indifference. That was the uncomfortable impression some participants felt during the second day of the recent National Security Summit organised by the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ) in Abuja, where senior security officials were absent.

Were security chiefs concerned that journalists might demand answers about the persistent allegations linking illegal mining activities in bandit-prone areas to the financing of criminal networks? Could they have been uncomfortable addressing claims that some retired and serving security personnel have been implicated, directly or indirectly, in the worsening insecurity across the country?

Could they also have feared being asked whether the nation’s democratic authorities and security leadership possess the political will and operational latitude required to confront these monumental challenges, especially amid claims that some major financiers and sponsors are known yet remain untouchable?

And what about the resurgence of mass abductions and kidnappings, particularly in schools spreading beyond their traditional epicentres, raising concerns about whether these attacks are being orchestrated for political motives or illicit financial gain?

While there may be no evidence to support such suspicions, insecurity thrives in the shadows where transparency is absent. The summit, themed “Media and Security Agencies as Partners in Nation Building,” was conceived as a platform to foster understanding between two institutions whose responsibilities frequently intersect: the media and the security services.

The opening day was impressive. It drew a diverse audience of journalists, academics, communication specialists, development partners, security personnel, and government officials. The Minister of Information and National Orientation, Malam Mohammed Idris Malagi, was the most senior figure in attendance, adding weight to the proceedings. Discussions focused on strategic communication, responsible journalism, national security, and the importance of collaboration in addressing Nigeria’s complex security challenges.

However, the second day, which was designed as the technical session devoted specifically to national security issues, presented a different picture. The security chiefs whose institutions were central to the conversation were conspicuously absent. More disappointing was the fact that many of them were neither physically present nor represented.

Ironically, the discussions that day could have benefited enormously from their participation. The keynote speaker, Mr. Musikilu Mojeed, President of the International Press Institute (IPI) Nigeria, delivered a well-researched paper on the delicate relationship between the media and security institutions. He examined several historical and contemporary cases that highlighted tensions, misunderstandings, and occasional confrontations between journalists and security agencies.

During his presentation, he referenced the controversial 2014 incident in which security operatives intercepted newspaper distribution vehicles, an episode that drew widespread criticism from media organisations and civil society groups.

What Mr. Mojeed perhaps did not know was that one of the principal actors in that period, former Director of Defence Information, Major General Chris Olukolade (rtd.), was quietly seated at the back of the hall with a former Director of Naval Information, Commodore Kabir Aliyu (rtd.). I was privileged to sit beside them as the presentation progressed.

General Olukolade, currently the Chairman of the Centre for Crisis Communication (CCC) is not known for reopening old controversies. In fact, he has consistently avoided public discussions about many military operations and sensitive decisions from previous eras. Yet, on this occasion, he felt compelled to provide clarification.

When given the microphone, he explained that at the time, during the administration of Goodluck Jonathan, security agencies were grappling with evolving terrorist tactics, including intelligence reports suggesting that insurgents were exploring unconventional methods of transporting weapons and logistics across the country.

More importantly, he revealed something that many critics may not have known: the security command later acknowledged public concerns over the incident and apologised. According to him, lessons were learned, and safeguards were introduced to ensure that such actions would not recur. He added that dialogue often achieves what assumptions cannot.

To my surprise, I was also invited to the podium to contribute to the discussion on media-security relations. My intervention was modest. Rather than focusing on disagreements, I chose to highlight examples of productive collaboration between journalists and security agencies through the Forum of Spokespersons of Security and Response Agencies (FOSSRA), an initiative once chaired by General Olukolade and later by the late Major General Abubakar Rabe.

I remembered the professionalism of editors who placed national interest above sensational headlines. One notable example involved a senior editor of ThisDay Newspaper, Ms Ijeoma Nwogwugwu, who received a late-night request in June 2013 from military authorities regarding a specific word used in a report on insurgency operations. The concern was that publishing certain details could jeopardise an ongoing mission. After reviewing the implications, the newspaper agreed and made the adjustment. The operation was subsequently adjudged successful.

I also recalled my May 2014 visit to Premium Times’ headquarters after a report on an alleged mutiny by soldiers in Borno State. At the time, I passionately appealed to the newspaper’s leadership to consider replacing the word “mutiny” with “protest” because of the severe legal implications of mutiny under military law. While the then Managing Editor, Musikilu Mojeed, listened attentively and showed understanding, the story had already gained traction elsewhere. Eventually, some of the affected soldiers were convicted of mutiny.

Similarly, I recounted how Mallam Hamza Idris, then Daily Trust Bureau Chief in Borno in February 2015, filed what appeared to be a routine report. Security officials later raised concerns that the unpublished story, though harmless on the surface, could inadvertently expose troop movements and operational plans. After assessing the potential consequences, the editorial leadership of Weekend Daily Trust sacrificed what was scheduled to be a front-page lead in the interest of national security.

That same year, two Nigerian journalists working for foreign media were briefly detained in a Borno hotel, an action taken purely for their safety, though widely misinterpreted. During major anti‑insurgency operations, senior media executives were routinely briefed. And despite criticisms of Sahara Reporters’ style, its publisher, Omoyele Sowore, often showed genuine concern for national security. The then NGE President, Femi Adesina, and the Dean of Bureau Chiefs, Yusuf Alli, can attest to the trust and confidentiality that defined those engagements.

The cooperation between the media and security agencies, supported by broader inter‑agency coordination through FOSSRAhelped reduce conflict and contributed significantly to the recovery of dozens of towns from terrorist control ahead of the 2015 election. Although FOSSRA was last chaired by General Rabe before being abandoned under the Buhari administration, its strategic value was clear. Recognising this, NSA Malam Nuhu Ribadu pragmatically revived the mechanism with the Centre for Crisis Communication (CCC) as technical partner. Unfortunately, that effort was later undermined by unprofessional insiders whose motives remain questionable.

These examples demonstrate that the relationship between the media and security agencies has not always been characterised by hostility. There have been countless instances of cooperation, understanding, and mutual respect.

That is precisely why the absence of serving security chiefs from the second day of the summit was disappointing. The gathering offered a rare opportunity for frank conversations, confidence-building, and institutional learning. Meanwhile, the communiqu issued at the end of the two-day summit, signed by NUJ President Comrade Alhassan Yahaya Abdullahi, captured many of the concerns raised during the discussions. Most importantly, participants reaffirmed that national security and sustainable development depend on strong, transparent, and accountable partnerships among the media, security agencies, government institutions, and citizens.

It is expected that next time an invitation is extended, they will honour it, especially when it comes from a respected and trusted ally whose partnership is vital to national security.

Yushau A. Shuaib is the author of An Encounter with the Spymaster. yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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In the last two months, Kwara State politics has gradually transformed into a sophisticated chessboard where strategic calculations, silent alliances, political decoys, and subtle manoeuvres are unfolding behind the scenes.

The emergence of candidates by the major political parties may appear straightforward. But to close watchers of Kwara politics, developments within both the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) reveal a deeper contest driven by strategy, ambition, and political survival.

Indeed, some aspirants spent huge sums purchasing nomination forms and mobilising supporters, yet even within their own camps, many understood that certain ambitions were less about actual victory and more about tactical positioning in a larger political chess game.

The first major surprise came when Governor AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq publicly endorsed Ambassador Yahaya Seriki from the Ilorin Emirate in Kwara Central Senatorial District as his preferred successor. That endorsement appeared to settle months of speculation suggesting that the governor was quietly promoting a candidate from the predominantly non-Yoruba-speaking Kwara North, allegedly in response to perceived preferences from influential interests in Abuja for a candidate from the Yoruba-speaking Kwara South.

Yet, in a dramatic twist, the governors preferred consensus arrangement was eventually jettisoned by the APC national leadership, which insisted on a direct primary election.

At the end of the tense two-day exercise, the Speaker of the Kwara State House of Assembly, Salihu Yakubu Danladi from Kwara North, defeated all the aspirantsmost of whom were from the Ilorin Emirate in Kwara Centralincluding a respected lawyer, professor, businessmen, heads of federal institutions, as well as serving and former senators, to clinch the APC governorship ticket.

But the counter-move from the PDP was equally strategic. Reading the unfolding permutationsand noting the implications of the APC producing a Kwara North candidate despite the dominance of aspirants from the Ilorin Emirate in Kwara Centralthe PDP leadership, under former Senate President and two‑term governor Bukola Saraki, quickly moved to unify its ranks. The party rallied other aspirants behind Engr. Sulaiman Bolakale Kawu Agaka, a Yoruba‑speaking Fulani from Ilorin, as its consensus candidate, signalling a strategic attempt to consolidate the traditional Kwara Central political bloc.

Thus, the stage was set for another major political confrontation in Kwaraone that revives the enduring Saraki-AbdulRazaq rivalry that has largely defined the states political direction since 1999, and not necessarily from the 2019 O To Ge political revolution alone.

Meanwhile, emerging opposition parties have also unveiled their governorship candidates. The African Democratic Congress (ADC) has announced Hon. Zakari Mohammed, a former member of the House of Representatives from Kwara North, as its consensus flag-bearer. Similarly, there is also media speculation that National Democratic Congress (NDC) is poised to either endorse Mallam AbdulRahman Giwa, a cousin of the governor from Kwara Central or Engr Jamiu Bolaji as its candidate.

Whether these emerging parties are genuine alternative platforms or merely strategic spoilers capable of weakening stronger contenders within their respective senatorial zones remains a matter of political interpretation.

Without venturing into speculative calculations about voter distribution across Kwara North, Kwara South, and Kwara Centralwhich could be both instructive and politically sensitiveone indisputable reality remains: both Yakubu Danladi and Bolakale Kawu have emerged as the major contenders, each possessing distinguished professional and personal credentials beyond partisan politics.

Born on May 31, 1985, in Gwanara, Baruten Local Government Area, Yakubu Danladi hails from a modest but respected family. The son of the late Alhaji Salihu Aliyu, the Tafarkin Borgu, his journey reflects discipline, focus, and steady growth. He completed his secondary education at St. Anthony Secondary School, Ilorin in 2001, before earning both National and Higher National Diplomas in Electrical/Electronic Engineering from Kaduna Polytechnic, followed by a Bachelor of Engineering degree from the Federal University of Technology (FUT), Minna.

He lectured at FUT Minna from 2010 to 2018 before venturing into politics in 2019 where he won the Ilesha/Gwanara Constituency seat and, at just 34, became Speaker of the 9th Kwara State House of Assemblyone of the youngest in Nigeria. He retained both his seat and speakership in 2023, strengthening his influence within the APC.

His PDP challenger, Engr. Bolakale Kawu Agaka was born on May 1, 1969, in Ilorin. He hails from the Agaka lineage within the celebrated Alimi dynasty of the Ilorin Emirate. His educational background spans Electrical Power Engineering, Administration, and Business Management, with qualifications from Kwara State Polytechnic, Federal University of Technology Akure, and Ladoke Akintola University of Technology.

Following his National Youth Service with the defunct National Electric Power Authority (NEPA) in 1996, he built an extensive career within Nigerias power sector, eventually rising to become Executive Director of the Rural Electrification Agency before retiring from public service in 2025.

Throughout his years in service, Kawu developed a reputation for philanthropy, youth empowerment, and community development. Significantly, Governor AbdulRazaq himself publicly commended his contributions during his turbaning as Dan Iyan Ilorin in 2022.

Today, beyond his technocratic credentials, Kawu also carries the influential traditional title of Daniyan of Ilorina title that gives him considerable cultural and social influence within the Ilorin Emirate.

What makes the unfolding contest particularly fascinating is that both parties appear to have chosen their candidates not merely on popularity, but through deeper strategic calculations involving geography, identity, succession balance, and voter psychology.

For the APC, presenting a youthful Speaker from Kwara North signals a strategic bid to consolidate northern support while leveraging the advantages of incumbency. For the PDP, rallying behind a respected technocrat and traditional titleholder from the Ilorin Emirate reflects an effort to rebuild the Saraki‑era coalition in Kwara Central while appealing to both elite and grassroots sentiments.

Beyond posters and endorsements, Kwara 2027 is quietly unfolding as a sophisticated political chessboard. If Kwara North aligns firmly with Danladi and Kwara Central stands solidly behind Kawu, could Kwara South become the decisive battleground? In this evolving contest, the next governor is likely to emerge from the camp that best understands the delicate arithmetic, emotional undercurrents, and shifting dynamics of Kwaras political chess game.

Yushau A. Shuaib is author of An Encounter with the Spymaster yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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It never crossed my mind that Nkechi Ali-Balogun had turned 70 when she recently called me over promotional items for one of her professional initiatives. Her voice was as energetic, composed, and intellectually sharp as ever. It was therefore with pleasant shock that I later stumbled on congratulatory messages circulating across platforms of the African Public Relations Association (APRA) announcing that the respected PR icon clocked 70 on May 19, 2026.

For over two decades, I have regarded her as one of the most inspiring personalities and role models in public relations practicenot only in Nigeria but across Africa. Calm, calculated, graceful, yet firm in conviction, she possesses that rare ability to welcome constructive criticism wholeheartedly while remaining deeply committed to professionalism and ethical communication.

One memorable encounter between us further revealed the depth of her character.

In 2023, she expressed reservations over a perception survey conducted by interns of Spokespersons Digest on the campaign flyers of aspirants contesting for the presidency of the Nigerian Institute of Public Relations ahead of the Institutes Annual General Meeting scheduled for August 24, 2023.

The survey involved 25 Mass Communication undergraduates undergoing internship training at PRNigeria Centres in Abuja and Kano. The interns were asked to evaluate the campaign materials of the two frontline contenders for the NIPR presidency: Dr. Ike Neliaku and Mrs. Nkechi Ali-Balogun.

The interns generally considered Ali-Baloguns flyers aesthetically appealing because of their simplicity, elegant colour combination, and restrained messaging. However, they also observed that the materials contained limited personal branding information. Her name appeared abbreviated and less prominent, while there were fewer descriptive slogans projecting her personality and professional credentials.

Interestingly, some female respondents interpreted the absence of flamboyant catchphrases as deliberate and strategica subtle departure from the intimidating self-glorification often associated with Nigerian political campaigns.

Yet, the concluding editorial interpretation of the survey did not sit well with her.

When she called me, she argued passionately that the overall framing appeared to demarket her candidacy beyond the objective assessment made by the interns. But what struck me most was not her complaintit was her maturity. Despite her reservations, she commended the young interns for their effort and even expressed willingness to support their aspirations and professional growth.

That singular conversation strengthened our professional relationship.

In fact, in a deliberate effort to prove that I neither influenced nor manipulated the editorial position of the interns, I later wrote a personal opinion article titled NIPR Presidency: Between Nkechi Ali-Balogun and Ike Neliaku, which was published in several national newspapers.

In that article, I described her as the quintessential woman in public relationsa title I still believe fits perfectly.

Over the years, our paths have crossed repeatedly at national and international PR events. One enduring quality about Nkechi Ali-Balogun is her generosity of spirit. She never hesitates to encourage good performance, thoughtful presentations, or innovative ideas. Her commendations are sincere, and her criticisms are usually constructive.

A Fellow of NIPR and a respected senior member of APRA, Ali-Balogun is the Principal Consultant and Chief Executive Officer of NECCI Limited, a Lagos-based public relations consultancy that has remained influential in strategic communication and corporate reputation management.

Before establishing herself fully in consultancy, she built an impressive corporate career, serving as Head of Corporate Affairs at the Nigerian Export-Import Bank and later at Equitorial Trust Bank. Earlier still, she spent five years at the Nigerian Television Authority as a producer, scriptwriter, and consultantan experience that sharpened her media intelligence and storytelling skills. She is currently Chairperson/CEO Public Relations Consultants of Nigeria (PRCAN).

Academically, she remains equally accomplished. She earned a first degree in English/Education and a Masters degree in Mass Communication from the University of Lagos, an MBA in Management from the University of Nigeria, and later obtained a PhD in Mass Communication from the University of Lagos. She also attended the prestigious Frank Jefkins School of Public Relations in London.

Ali-Baloguns professional journey is deeply intertwined with the growth of public relations practice in Nigeria and Africa. With over three decades of experience, she has not only built a flourishing career but has also contributed immensely to institutional development, ethical communication, and professional mentoring.

She made history as the first female Chairperson of the Lagos State Chapter of NIPR, where she demonstrated strategic leadership, organisational discipline, and a passion for professional excellence. Her tenure remains one of the reference points for effective chapter administration within the Institute.

In 2023, she again broke barriers by becoming the first woman ever to contest for the presidency of NIPR. Her candidacy attracted widespread support from notable PR groups and professionals, including women-focused communication networks and industry associations. Her seven-point agenda centred on institutional relevance, gender inclusion, capacity building, and digital transformation within the profession.

Though she did not emerge victorious, her candidacy itself altered the psychology of leadership possibilities within the Institute. She proved that competence, courage, and credibility matter more than entrenched traditions.

Beyond titles and achievements, Ali-Balogun remains passionate about mentoring the next generation. Through the NECCI Public Relations Roundtable and her widely respected platform, Chat with NAB, she continues to shape conversations around leadership, communication ethics, branding, and strategic influence.

Indeed, Nkechi Ali-Balogun deserves the fitting title of an African PR Amazon.

Not merely because she is influential, but because she embodies exceptional courage, resilience, elegance, and intellectual strength in strategic communication. She has consistently spoken truth to power with dignity while building bridges across professional divides. The calibre of personalities that honour her annual engagements reflects the respect she commands across sectors and across borders.

On behalf of the management and staff of Image Merchants Promotion Limitedpublishers of PRNigeria, Economic Confidential, Spokespersons Digest, and Tech Digest, under the chairmanship of respected communication scholar, Sule Yau SuleI celebrate a woman whose life exemplifies professionalism, mentorship, service, and sacrifice for nation-building.

At 70, Nkechi Ali-Balogun remains not only relevant but remarkably inspirational. May her wisdom continue to illuminate the path for generations of communication professionals across Africa.

Yushau A. Shuaib, author of ” Dozen Tips for Media Relation” and “,Award-Winning Crisis Communication Strategies.”
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