The terrifying videos were not from Hollywood movies but scenes from Northern Nigeria during the #EndBadGovernance protest. The so-called protesters invaded a Government House, vandalised public facilities, looted an ICT training centre, carted away a Police station signpost, invaded banks, destroyed a mosque, hijacked a Personnel Armour Carrier, flew foreign flags, sought foreign intervention, and chanted “Yara Me Kuke so; Wiwi Mukeso!” in Hausa. The latter means, “Children, what do you want? Cannabis (marijuana) is what we want!”

The protest in the North is akin to a coup targeted at Arewa leaders. As a Northerner, I feel ashamed to be represented by these scenes displayed by our children and youths. However, this is not the first time such incidents have occurred in the region. The only difference this last time was that there were no reported mass killings, unlike similar past incidents.

In my article, “Killing in the Name of the Devil”, written after a similar act of riotous protest in Maiduguri, Borno State, in 2006, I pointed out that the marauders’ acts of violence were not in the name of the Almighty God or any just cause, but they were enacted in the name of the devil, and as possibly influenced by undesirable godfathers, selfish elites, drug addiction, illiteracy, and endemic poverty. Today, Borno State is regarded as the epicentre of terrorism in Nigeria.

Rather than protesting injustice and the lackadaisical attitudes of their leaders, the people in the North often condone the excesses of their elites. When the massacre of the Shi’ites, including pregnant women and kids, by soldiers, occurred in Kaduna in December 2015, many young miscreants sought recourse in looting the corpses on the streets and the assets of the victims. Yet, the Arewa elite and the youths kept silent, without any protest, because the then Nigerian President and principal security chiefs were Northerners. Kaduna today hosts the dens of kidnapping kingpins and is the location of recurrent ethnic flares of violence.

The people never protested against terrorism in the North-East, banditry in the North-West, or the farmer-herder conflicts in the North-Central. They never protested over the endemic corruption of the political leaders, especially governors, who receive billions of naira from the Federation Account and utilise a chunk of these to address the relentless insecurity in the region through the so-called security votes.

I often wonder about the correlation between security challenges and security votes as they grow together like the Siamese twins. Insecurity has become a booming business in Arewa for the perpetrators and the humanitarian groups and actors, with international bodies and Non-Governmental Organisations competing for space to exhibit their concerns as they concentrate substantial financial resources on programmes in those areas.

Yet, the activities of undesirable elements, including riotous protesters, have deterred local entrepreneurs from investing in the region for fear of disruption and the destruction of their businesses. Even the wealthiest Northerners would instead invest elsewhere than in the region.

Consequently, there is a widening gap between the Northern and Southern states regarding development. For instance, in the last Annual State Viability Index (ASVI) produced by Economic Confidential, Lagos generated more revenue than all the 16 Northern states combined in 2022, with its internally generated revenue (IGR) of N651 billion constituting 176 per cent of its receipt from the Federation Account of N370 billion. Even a neighbouring state, Ogun, generated an IGR of N120 billion, 106 per cent of its federal allocation of N113 billion.

Most states in the North, especially where the so-called hunger protesters were calling for a coup and foreign interventions in domestic affairs, hardly generate 20% of what they collect from the Federal Government as internally generated revenue. For instance, Kano, which received N226bn from the Federation Account in 2022, generated N42.5bn internally, translating to 18.7 per cent of the Manna from Abuja. Similarly, Katsina, the home state of the immediate past President Muhammadu Buhari, only made an IGR of N13bn after it collected N165bn from the Federation Account, which translates to less than 8 per cent of the free money from the central government.

As a panellist at the Wole Soyinka Centre for Investigative Journalism (WSCIJ) discussion on matters of Local Voices, I underscored the pivotal role of the media and citizens in upholding accountability among state governors and local government authorities concerning the substantial resources they receive monthly from the central government.

With references to Northern states, I disclosed how billions of naira are allocated to each state while their local governments (LGs) also receive hundreds of millions of naira in monthly disbursements from Abuja. I cited the Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC) distributions in June 2024 as example: Borno State received N10.8 billion, while its 27 LGs shared an additional N8.7 billion; Kaduna State collected N12 billion, while its 23 LGs received N9 billion; Kano State was given N15.4 billion, whilst its 44 LGs received N15.3 billion; and Katsina State got N11.4 billion, whereas its 34 LGs shared N11 billion among themselves.

Each state’s local government received over N300 million monthly, some exceeding N400 million. Given these substantial monthly allocations, the protesters and rioters must be aware of the humongous releases to their respective states.

With the statutory financial interventions, it is pathetic that the Arewa region still accounts for high poverty rates (over 70% of the population living below the poverty line), High unemployment and underemployment among youth, Low Human Development Index (HDI), Low literacy and education levels, especially among girls and high food insecurity, particularly in conflict-affected areas.

Despite being richly endowed with natural resources, the region fails to capitalise on its various potentials. With vast agricultural land and livestock, the North can provide food security for the nation. Its hydroelectric power and solar energy potentials can drive industrialisation. Its forests and mineral resources offer significant tourism opportunities to attract foreign investment. However, some communities remain ungoverned and vulnerable to non-state actors because our leadership prioritizes political patronage over empowering the youth with modern skills.

We must acknowledge some notable peaceful protesters, like a young lady whose heart-wrenching testimony in a video at the hunger protest moved me deeply. Severely hungry, sick, and unable to afford food or medication, she spoke out for many suffering in silence while appealing to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to hear their voices and act.

Despite efforts by NSA Nuhu Ribadu, CDS Gen. Chris Musa, Information Minister Idris Malagi, and others to contain the recent hunger protest, there are concerns that future agitations may be spontaneous and unpredictable, catching authorities off guard.

Northern leaders must, therefore, be advised to address insecurity, harness regional resources for economic growth and reduce overdependence on oil revenue. Rampant oil thefts and volatility in other mineral-producing regions highlight the need for proactive measures to ensure stability.

What would happen if the Federation Account allocations to states were stopped or a conflict broke out that prevented the extraction and production of oil in the country?

Yushau Shuaib is the author of “Award-Winning Crisis Communication Strategies.”
www.YAShuaib.com yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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In preparation for the 2021 edition of the International Women’s Day, Hawwah Jiddare, a vocal feminist from Northern Nigeria and Chevening Scholar, requested if I could recommend any person to discuss the rampant cases of early marriage in Arewa, Northern Nigeria.

I told her that not only in Northern Nigeria but also across Africa, a lot of educated people and political leaders are products of early marriages. I added that beyond the hysteria and negative denotations around early marriage, many of these experiences could be narrated from proper and more positive perspectives.

In her response, Hawwah who runs “Sheroes”, a publishing platform for women’s empowerment, advocacy and documentation, requested my participation as one of the panelists.

“As a journalist, writer, author and Public Relations practitioner, your role is to give us an objective rationale behind a situation where 59% of girls are married before the age of 18 in Northern Nigeria, even though it does not guarantee them having an education…” she added.

While mulling my proposed participation in the webinar, whose agenda pertaining to the theme of discussion was not immediately clear to me, Hawwah added that, “What is the rationale behind such beliefs and actions in the North?”

Yushau A. Shuaib and Parents 2019

I suspected that she asked the question as a way of goading me and inciting my interest in the discussion. It was a fairly emotional issue for me, not only because of some of the misconceptions that have come to be attributed to the issue of early marriage, but also because I am a product of parents who married early. Yet, the experience of my family has been nowhere near the predominantly negative narrative being peddled around. I can say the same for a number of families I know. My father evolved to become a distinguished scholar and academic, who is now retired, while my mother is a trader, who is now a remarkable matriarch of our family. They both remain strong, physically and mentally till date.

I decided to accept the invitation to be a member of the panel on early marriage and girl child education, as a way of offering my lived perspective to the issue of early marriage in the North.

During the webinar on March 8, the International Women’s Day, I came into the same discursive space with other panel members who had contrary views to mine, including a legal practitioner, a gender activist and a medical doctor.

Since I had the opportunity to speak first, my argument set the agenda of the discourse.

I insisted that early marriage, as distinct from child marriage, should be tolerated and encouraged in society. Since a marriage is a union of two people who have met certain conditions set up by different cultures, customs, religions and legislation, then it should naturally lead to a legal and legitimate companionship.

The designation of legal adulthood and the marriageable age in many countries is 18 years; however, the marriageable age may be older or younger in other countries. Still, cultural traditions may override legislation, as many jurisdictions permit early marriage with parental consent or in special circumstances, such as teenage pregnancy.

Meanwhile, in exceptional cases, apart from parental consent, authorisation from the court and religious laws allow for marriages below the age of 18 to hold.

A report of the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) shows that in 2010, 18 years was the minimum legal age for marriage for women, without parental consent or approval by a pertinent authority, in 158 countries; also, in 146 countries, state or customary laws allow girls younger than 18 to marry with the consent of their parents or other authorities. Still, in 52 countries, girls under the age of 15 can marry with their parental consent.

Most religions forbid the marriage of a female before the onset of puberty and maturity. In fact, disputes regarding physical maturity are often resolved by a scholar or a judge, potentially after examination by a female expert witness. In addition, many religions also vehemently prohibit sexual intercourse outside marriage; therefore, they establish a minimum age for marriage in one way or another.

Early marriage allows a couple to experience adult life, while still young and strong.

Obviously, there are other factors responsible for early marriage, which include the promotion of a sense of responsibility, the guarantee of security and prevention of social decadence. The unfortunate cases of baby factories where young girls are made to reproduce essentially for illegal adoption could be avoided even when such adoptions are common and encouraged in some developed countries.

During the webinar, I pointed out that early marriage provides a safety net against poverty and deprivation, which could lead some to prostitution and drug addiction. It also protects the female, especially, from sexual violation and insecurity, particularly for those who live in or find themselves in slums and crisis zones.

We should also be mindful and aware of the fact that political and financial alliances between parents, beyond poverty and insecurity, are also rampant among the Northern elites, who seal these relationships by arranging marriages for their children.

Meanwhile, in most states in Northern Nigeria, newly married wives are becoming homemakers and home-entrepreneurs through skills acquisition. They now engage in tailoring, food catering and snacks making services, among others, from the comfort of their homes. Surprisingly, some of the skills being utilised and deployed are acquired through online programmes on credible social media platforms, websites and webinars, and not necessarily from conventional schools, particularly during the coronavirus pandemic.

While age can occasionally be a wrong indicator of physical, emotional and psychological maturity, some good insight can be gleaned from how in these modern times, young people are emerging as very successful entrepreneurs, who are creating huge business enterprises and empires early in life. Interestingly, some highly successful entrepreneurs have been found out to be even school dropouts. The stories of Mark Zuckerberg of Facebook, Matthew Mullenweg of WordPress, Catherine Cook of MyYearBook.com, Blake Ross of Mozilla Firefox and even Justin Bieber, a singer and performer are proof that with focus, starting things early in life can only serve to enhance one’s potentials.

The advocacy for early marriage, rather than child marriage, is one that hinges on the promotion and encouragement of reciprocal love, affection, alongside mutual respect and understanding, as against a union formed through compulsion or the forceful yoking of two people.

It is necessary to urge partners who are candidates for early marriage to be strong, confident, and supportive of each other in achieving their personal and career goals. They should also seek to be always level-headed, thoughtful, and with senses of maturity in managing their emotions. Quite unfortunately, many even above the age of 40 cannot exhibit the same level of maturity displayed by a number of young people.

While the other panel members were not comfortable with some of my submissions, one of them even made bold to suggest that the best age for marriage should be between 35 and 40 years! Nevertheless, the point I reiterated in the webinar is in support of early marriage and not child marriage.

On this occasion of the International Women’s Day, we must acknowledge women for making all of us in society aware, appreciative and proud of their fundamental and remarkable contributions to our development.

Yushau A. Shuaib
www.YAShuaib.com
yashuaib@yahoo.com

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