From time to time, I retreat into the fond memories of my youth in Delta State. Between 1992 and 1993, I served in Asaba as a member of the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC)a predominantly Christian community. In those days, faith was practised with dignity, confidence, and mutual respect. We did not merely observe our religious obligations; we lived them openly, without fear or suspicion.

During Ramadan, we undertook Islamic propagation across rural communities. It was a season of purpose and conviction. Kabir Alabi Garbanow the Weekend Editor of The Guardian newspaperswas then the Leader of the Muslim Corpers Association of Nigeria (MCAN) in Delta State. Comrade Muhammad Haruna Ibrahim, today the National President of the Senior Staff Association of Nigerian Universities (SSANU), was among the active members. So too was Hon. Muktar Aliyu Betara, now one of Nigerias longest-serving federal lawmakers.

We moved from village to village with copies of the Holy Quran. I still recall the curiosity of villagers encountering it for the first time. Some affectionately described it as the Hausa Bible. Yet many were captivated by the poetic cadence of Yusuf Alis English translation, and some embraced Islam not out of coercion, but conviction.

One memory remains especially poignant. On Sallah day, the late Asagba of Asaba, His Royal Highness Prof. Chike Edozien, hosted a feast for Muslim corpers. He welcomed us warmly, his table adorned with delicaciesincluding exotic wines. Alcohol is forbidden in Islam, but we handled the moment with courtesy and maturity. We honoured his hospitality while observing our faith. There was no tension, no outrage, no viral commentary. In that eradevoid of smartphones and social media toxicitylife was defined by civility and coexistence. Inter-ethnic marriages among corpers were not only common; they were celebrated.

Three decades later, the atmosphere feels different. Today, a harmless opinion can provoke hostility so sharp that one can often predict the critics background merely by their name. The ethno-religious fault lines are so taut that some now openly fantasise about separationas though fragmentation will magically deliver peace. We see the tragic consequences of such divisions in parts of Kaduna and Jos, where invisible walls now separate communities that once lived as neighbours.

Yet, at this very moment, Muslims and Christians across the world are simultaneously immersed in sacred seasonsRamadan and Lent. More than three billion people are engaged in prayer, fasting, and repentance. Separated by theology, yet united by a common human longing: to draw closer to the Creator through discipline and sacrifice.

Ramadan, the ninth month of the Islamic lunar calendar, commemorates the revelation of the Holy Quran to Prophet Muhammad (SAW). Lent, the forty-day Christian observance preceding Easter, recalls the fasting and temptation of Jesus Christ in the wilderness.

Muslims fast daily from Suhoor (dawn) to Iftar (sunset), abstaining from food, drink, and negative conduct. Christians observe fasting, almsgiving, and abstinence, marked by Ash Wednesdaya solemn reminder of human mortality and repentance.

Ramadan cultivates TaqwaGod-consciousnessculminating in Laylat al-Qadr, the Night of Power, before Eid al-Fitr. Lent calls believers to Metanoiaa transformative turning back to Godleading to Easter, the celebration of resurrection and hope.

For both traditions, hunger is not punishment; it is purification. It strips away distractions and awakens compassion for the vulnerable.

These practices are rooted in a shared prophetic heritage. Abraham fasted. Moses fasted. Jesus fasted. Muhammad fasted. The message across centuries is consistent: voluntary restraint strengthens the soul. The body becomes a bridge to the Divine.

Interfaith unity does not require theological uniformity. It requires recognition of sincerity. Ramadan and Lent are not rivals; they are companionstwo rivers flowing along different paths toward the same vast ocean of Divine Mercy.

The Quran reminds us: O humanity! Indeed, We created you from a male and a female and made you into peoples and tribes so that you may know one another. (Quran 49:13)

And the Bible commands: Love one another as I have loved you. (John 15:12)

If we can carry the humility of fasting, the empathy born of hunger, and the discipline of prayer beyond our mosques and churches, perhaps we can rediscover the Nigeria I knew in 1992-93a country where faith built bridges rather than barriers.

Ramadan and Lent invite us back to that possibility.

Yushau A. Shuaib
Author of An Encounter with the Spymaster
yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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Before U.S. President Donald Trumps threat to invade Nigeria over alleged Christian genocide, the nation was already gripped by defection fever. The mass abduction of students by terroristseerily reminiscent of the Chibok girls tragedyhas revived painful memories of 2014, when insecurity contributed to the defeat of President Goodluck Jonathan in 2015. That episode, too, bore the fingerprints of foreign interference, amplified by international governments and media.

Meanwhile, when Ifeanyi Okowa, former Delta State Governor and running mate to Atiku Abubakar under the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), defected to the ruling APC. His move reverberated across the country. Few expected such a prominent figure to cross overespecially at a time when governors, senators, and representatives at both state and federal levels were abandoning their platforms for the ruling party. That moment may well be remembered as the beginning of the most devastating political exodus in PDPs history. Once formidable strongholdsAkwa Ibom, Taraba, Enugu, and even Bayelsa, the home state of former President Jonathanhave gradually fallen under APCs influence.

For the PDP, the unraveling appears self-inflicted. Much of the crisis is linked to the ambitions and grudges of the current Minister of the FCT, Nyesom Wike. Since losing the vice-presidential slot to Okowa after the PDP primaries in 2022, Wike has seized every opportunity to undermine the partys cohesion. Atiku Abubakar bears responsibility here: commonsense should have guided his choice of running mate between Wike and Okowa. Without Wikes tactical and logistical support, APCs 2023 victory would have been far less certain.

It is therefore unsurprising that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu rewarded Wike with the powerful position of Minister of the FCTeffectively making him the de facto governor of the capital city. While Wikes record in infrastructure development is commendable, his loud, confrontational style and relentless attacks on PDP leadership raise serious concerns. His insistence on remaining a PDP member while openly advancing APC interests only deepens the confusion. Rumours of his influence over judicial processes further complicate the discourse.

Beyond the PDP, Nigeria is witnessing a political realignment of unprecedented scale. Major figures from the Labour Party (LP) and the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) are defecting to the APC with startling frequency. Legislators, state chairmen, national officers, influential mobilisers, and even former presidential campaign strategists have joined the ruling partysome out of ambition, others out of sheer survival.

What makes this wave of defections remarkable is its timing. These shifts are occurring not during an election cycle, when political realignments are expected, but in a period when parties should be consolidating their structures, refining ideology, and strengthening internal cohesion. Instead, the opposition is being hollowed out. This raises a critical question: Is Nigeria drifting towards a Chinese-style democracya system dominated by a single ruling party with minimal or no opposition?

In China, what is described as socialist democracy with Chinese characteristics functions in practice as a one-party authoritarian state. The model has produced impressive development outcomes but also alarming governance concerns. Its advantages are clear: a dominant ruling party eliminates the turbulence of constant competition, ensuring policy continuity and stability.

For instance, China’s president and paramount leader, Xi Jinping, governs with near-imperial authorityfree from legislative gridlock or opposition-induced delays. This enables swift policymaking, efficient execution, and infrastructure projects delivered at remarkable speed. China’s meteoric risefrom agrarian poverty to the world’s second-largest economyattests to the effectiveness of this model.

Yet in the Chinese system, the downsides are equally profound. A one-party state weakens institutional checks and balances, curtails civic freedoms, narrows democratic space, and stifles dissent. Without electoral accountability, leaders may lack incentives to deliver good governance. Suppressing alternative ideas risks intellectual stagnation and policy errors born of unchecked power. China has managed to avoid some of these pitfalls due to its unique cultural and political context, but its model remains unsuitable for most nations.

Meanwhile, Nigeria is far from adopting Chinese-style authoritarianism. Yet some observers argue that under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Nigeria is experimenting with a similar ease of governance, benefiting from an excessively cooperative legislature under Senate President Goodwill Akpabio and a judiciary under Chief Justice Kudirat Kekere-Ekun that appears aligned with executive priorities.

Still, the trend of defections and the centralisation of political power should alarm anyone who values democratic pluralism. A democracy without viable opposition is one that is slowly losing its soul. The collapse of opposition threatens the legacy of Nigerias founding fathersNnamdi Azikiwe, Ahmadu Bello, and Obafemi Awolowowhose ideological diversity and competitive rivalry gave life to Nigerias earliest democratic vitality.

Politicians justify their defections with claims of alignment with federal power, access to development, or national interest. In reality, Nigerias democratic architecture is being dangerously compromised.

Nigeria must resist driftingwhether willingly or inadvertentlyinto an undeclared one-party system. The APC has every constitutional right to expand its influence, but the survival of democracy depends on sustaining a strong, credible opposition. A nation of over 200 million diverse people cannot thrive under political uniformity. It must preserve a system where ideas clash, dissent thrives, and alternative visions flourish.

As Nigeria navigates this evolving political landscape, policymakers, civil society, and voters must insist on protecting the integrity of multiparty democracy. A dominant party may offer temporary stability, but only a balanced political structure can secure long-term peace, progress, and national cohesion.

Yushau A. Shuaib is the author of An Encounter with the Spymaster
yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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Its shocking and laughable that ruling parties, which barely secured victories in gubernatorial elections, are now winning local government council elections by landslides.

In some states, even parties that had never won elections are sweeping council seats, often at the behest of influential governors seeking to undermine their political rivals. For instance,Governor Siminalayi Fubara of Rivers State exemplifies how to win elections despite lacking support from traditional power brokers.

The abuse of local government councils by state governors in Nigeria is a pressing concern that threatens the very foundation of our democratic structure. While the Federal Government ensures timely disbursement of funds to all tiers of government through the Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC), the reality is that many governors exert undue control over local government resources. This is particularly evident in the misuse of the State Local Government Joint Accounts (SLGJA), which, though intended to streamline funding, often become instruments of financial manipulation at the state level.

Recognising that the Federal Government guarantees each tier of government its statutory allocations, state governors have no legitimate reason to deny local councils their rightful share. This was underscored by the landmark Supreme Court ruling on July 11, 2024, which mandated direct federal allocation for elected councils to curb gubernatorial interference in local government finances.

However, with limited access to local government revenue after the ruling, many governors swiftly orchestrated elections to consolidate control over council positions and finances. The predictable results have seen ruling parties dominate the polls in nearly every state. These so-called victories do little to inspire confidence, as the elected officials often act as mere extensions of gubernatorial power.

The lack of genuine competition is hardly surprising, given that the governor’s appointees manage each State Independent Electoral Commission (SIEC). The recent wave of local elections follows a clear pattern: handpicked candidates of the preferred parties consistently win and easily claim the titles of LG chairpersons and councillors through questionable processes, often coordinated behind the scenes by the governors.

While one might expect an outcry over the shambolic LG elections, only a few voices have raised concerns. The election observation group Yiaga Africa recently highlighted the troubling development and recommended civic education, genuine competition and a transparent electoral process. Unfortunately, the entrenched realities make these ideals’ recommendations almost unattainable.

These actions of some of the governors threaten to undermine the legitimacy of future elections, including gubernatorial and presidential contests. It would not be surprising if President Bola Ahmed Tinubu faced pressure to replicate this manipulative election strategy of governors in the 2027 general elections. The logic is simple: if governors can manipulate elections to their advantage with relative ease, why shouldnt the president do the same at the national level?

Sadly, disobedience to court orders and manipulation of local judges are similarly rampant at the state level, rendering adjudications predictable. For instance, some state-controlled courts of justice, which handle local mattersincluding traditional issues and chieftaincy titlesfunction as extensions of their governors, lacking genuine impartiality and integrity.

The stronghold of governors on local governance is unmistakable, surpassing the President’s influence over state administrations as they wield significant control despite judicial efforts to safeguard local autonomy.”

Meanwhile, under Tinubus federal administration, the Supreme Court has acted as an independent arbiter, often favouring opposition parties. For instance, following the last general elections and rulings of tribunals, the apex court upheld the victories of opposition candidates, including Governor Abba Yusuf of the New Nigerian Peoples Party (NNPP) in Kano, Governor Caleb Mutfwang of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in Plateau, and Governor Alex Otti of the Labour Party (LP) in Abia among others.

While the Supreme Court’s mandate for direct funding is a positive step, governors’ continued dominance over local governments is still apparent. Yet, the Federal Government continues the transparent disbursements of statutory allocations to states without interference. Why can’t state governments reciprocate such by ensuring local governments receive their fair share of internally generated revenue (IGR) without also encroaching on their legitimate federal allocations?

The conduct of governors may have set a worrying precedent and questioned their commitment to fiscal federalism and the principles of local governance.

I strongly urge the Minister of Justice and Attorney General of the Federation, Lateef Fagbemi, and the Finance Minister, Mr. Wale Edun, to take decisive action to protect local governments’ administrative and financial rights. They must implement mechanisms to ensure local councils have political autonomy and receive their financial entitlements without the risk of misappropriation by state authorities.

Local governments must be granted full political and economic autonomy to function effectively as the grassroots arm of governance. The future of our democratic governance hinges on the equitable treatment of all tiers of government, ensuring that local councils can genuinely serve their communities with the resources they rightfully deserve.

For Nigerias democracy to thrive, we must hold local elections to a higher standard. Despite its flaws, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) still performs better than SIECs, whose inefficiency and bias are becoming more apparent.

The debate over federalism versus centralisation will undoubtedly arise. However, a balance between federal and state powers is essential. If reforming SIECs proves unfeasible, INEC oversight may be necessary to safeguard democratic governance at the local level.

If citizens remain silent on recent flawed local elections conducted by some state governments, they should equally accept potentially compromised gubernatorial and presidential elections that the federal government could conduct in the future, possibly in 2027. After all, what’s good for the goose is good for the gander.

Yushau A. Shuaib, publisher of PRNigeria and Economic Confidential
yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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The hurriedly declared resolution of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to deploy troops to restore democracy and reinstate the ousted President Mohamed Bazoum of Niger Republic, after the military takeover of power on the 26th of July, might have been influenced by the need to avoid foreign interventions that could lead to the kinds of destruction and agony evident in Syria, Yemen, Libya, Sudan, and elsewhere.

In its keen and swift desire for a resolution to the crisis, President Bola Tinubu, on behalf of ECOWAS, raised special envoys, comprising former Nigerian leader, General Abdulsalam Abubakar; the Sultan of Sokoto, Muhammad Abubakar III and the president of the ECOWAS Commission, Alieu Touray, to mediate in the unfolding crisis in Niger. Unfortunately, the Nigerien Coup leader, Abdourahmane Tchiani, snubbed the ECOWAS delegation by refusing to receive them, even though he later received the former Emir of Kano, Sanusi Lamido Sanusi. It was quite disheartening that the official delegation was not even given access to leave the airport in Niamey in the endeavour to meet with Tchiani and Bazoum.

It is gratifying that Tinubu subsequently constituted another powerful delegation, comprising top Islamic clerics, to open talks with the junta in Niger, which has now agreed to dialogue with the ECOWAS on the way forward in the country.

The latest action by ECOWAS is possibly to checkmate what appears to be an evolving annual ritual, evident in the past three years, in which military personnel in Francophone countries in the subregion are overthrowing democratically elected leaders. The coup plotters removed Presidents Ibrahim Boubacar Keita of Mali in 2020, Alpha Cond of Guinea in 2021, Roch Marc Christian Kabor of Burkina Faso in 2022 and now President Mohamad Bazoum of Niger in 2023.

The military juntas, led by Colonel Assimi Gota in Mali, Colonel Mamady Doumbouya in Guinea, and Captain Ibrahim Traor in Burkina Faso, were mostly trained by the U.S. In fact, Goita and Doumbouya attended a 2019 US military training exercise in Burkina Faso. Surprisingly after taking over, they also drove away French troops and allegedly invited Russian mercenary forces in as their replacement.

While increasing complaints about poor governance, escalating poverty and insecurity are often cited for the coups, a deeper factor is the geopolitics of resource access and control. This involves foreign interests desires to explore and control the abundant mineral resources of West African nations. Hence, the ascendant tension in Niger and the wider subregion are impelled by the imperialist and economic rivalry between the East and the West.

As it is now, if appropriate steps are not taken to defuse the budding conflict in Niger Republic, the ongoing proxy war between Russia and NATO/USA over Ukraine, can easily creep into West Africa, where diverse groups of mercenaries and Western Special Forces are already stationed across different locations, and with the military bases just waiting for instructions from their commanders for armed actions to break out.

In many instances, military actions and interventions are not only carried out on battlegrounds but they are first activated in the minds of the public through crude propaganda. The conflict in Ukraine, for instance, exposes how the Western media essentially display their extreme biases in reportage, as they engage in psychological warfare, propagating one-sided and selective facts, while censoring counterclaims and obvious facts. Rather than striving for fair, conflict-sensitive, and objective reports towards the promotion of peace, they are advancing a highly inflammatory and pernicious form of war journalism and thereby escalating the crises in the process. This appears to be working to certain ends.

A similar instance of this that we should never forget in a hurry is the conspiracy involving the Western media over the so-called accumulation of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq, and the democratisation campaign in Libya, which led to the elimination of the leaders of the two mentioned countries, Saddam Hussein and Muammar Ghadafi, and to the death of scores of innocent citizens through the aggression of the allied forces and NATO.

In considering the unfortunate case of poor Ukraine, which has become the battleground for the flexing of muscles between Russian mercenaries and Western (US/NATO) Special Forces with attendant devastation that would take several years, if not decades, to recover from care should be seriously taken so that West Africa does not become next theatre of a proxy war between foreign powers driven by agenda that is far from the liberation of the subregion and larger continent from their debilitating challenges.

Although the Russian government does not have military bases in Africa like US and France that represents NATO do, its presence is strongly felt through the activities of the Wagner Group of armed mercenaries, which executes the governments military cooperation agreements, especially in a number of West African states.

While Wagners fighters are hired by African leaders for regime protection and to consolidate their holds on power, the Group, founded by Yevgeny Prigozhin as a private military company, operates with the permission of Russian President Vladimir Putin.

The mercenaries are hired to suppress dissent, guard natural resources, engage in direct combat with adversaries, bolster weak official military forces, and explore newer areas of strategic vulnerability towards rooting out the Wests declining influence in many sensitive spots around the world. Of its numerous engagements, the Wagner Group is more keenly involved in providing security cover for well-laden but remote mineral sites that are often under the constant threat of non-state actors.

Meanwhile, as mercenaries are having their ways in the African region, NATO through the US continues to carry out joint military exercises with other allies and partners in contiguous territorial spaces within the region. For instance, the US Africa Command (USAFRICOM), headquartered in Stuttgart, Germany (another NATO member), is one of the US Department of Defense combatant commands, with a geographic or functional mission that provides for the command and control of military forces for peace and war. It has military bases in select African countries.

In the West African rim of the Sahel, for instance, the United States under President Joe Biden has two military bases in Niger Air Base 101 in Niamey, and Air Base 201 in Agadez, which was constructed at the cost of $110 million. The American interventions in Niger have included the deployment of special operations forces, unmanned aerial vehicles and drones by its Air Force, while the CIA has engaged in counter-terrorism operations.

After its ejection from the other francophone countries in West Africa, France (NATO member), with the support of America, has reinforced its presence in Niger and despatched hundreds of its operatives to the southwest of the country, towards the Malian border. Niger previously served mainly as a transit base for Frances operations in Mali.

And just recently, precisely in May 2023, in a new strategic partnership, Niger accepted 1,500 French soldiers on its soil to bolster its armed forces, at a time of a great security threat. Before then the European Union (EU) had accepted the call from Nigers parliament to station special operations forces (SOF) in the country in order to counter its problems of insecurity. Note that the security of EU and NATO are inter-connected having respectively 27 and 31 member states, of which 22 states are members of both.

It is also worth noting that the US and French Special Forces have jointly and discreetly undertaken major military operations within the ECOWAS region. It could be recalled that at some point the US special forces secretly came into Nigeria and killed several kidnappers while rescuing a 27-year-old American citizen, Philip Walton, who was abducted in Niger in 2020.

Similarly, during the Tongo Tongo ambush in 2017, when armed terrorists attacked US and Nigerien soldiers in an ambush, French aircraft swiftly responded to this and brought the fire-fight to an end. Although some Americans and Nigeriens were killed during the military intervention, many soldiers actually survived that operation.

While ECOWAS is struggling to ensure that the Niger crisis is resolved amicably, some Nigerians are unmindful of their provocative behaviours and statements. It is quite shameful that those who never experienced a civil war or a military coup, are the ones clamouring for a military intervention in the worlds most populous black nation on the basis of myopic sentiments. Any attempt to disrupt the current democratic administration, under the leadership of President Ahmed Bola Tinubu, will not only lead to the dissolution of the country but would unleash on each region monumental security challenges that it barely has the capacity to contend with. Imagine an explosion of terrorism in the North-East, banditry in the North-West, kidnappings in the North-Central, volatile militancy in the South-South, violent secessionist agitation in the South-East, and cultism in the South-West. No single region will be willing to stick its neck out in furtherance of any campaign for a united country thereafter.

In a nutshell, I agree with the recent position of the Arewa Economic Forum (AEC) supporting the deepening of democratic principles in the subregion and urging ECOWAS to allow the socio-economic reality of Nigeriens to govern their choices. While suggesting that sanctions should be targeted at the military junta and its cronies, the Forum yet admonished that ways have to be found to protect innocent citizens, especially vulnerable people, including traders, women and children, from these penalties.

Being one of the poorest nations on earth, any further deterioration of the precarious living conditions of Nigeriens would activate hordes of new migrations into Nigeria for succour, which will invariably burden our current economic situation and put further pressure on our scarce national resources.

All said, Nigeria must avoid going into a new war when the country is yet to contain ISWAP-Boko Haram terrorism and the pervasive acts of banditry, especially along the Northern corridor. Dialogue and diplomacy should be sustained towards resolving not only the Nigerien but also the ECOWAS crises.

Yushau A. Shuaib, author of “An Encounter with the Spymaster” and “Award Winning Crisis Communication Strategies” www.YAShuaib.com yashuaib@yahoo.com

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Are you aware of the increasing political gang-up against Professor Pate?! a caller using a foreign number thundered down the phone line, before the call suddenly dropped off.

While I expected the caller to return the call, I wondered which of the respected academics from Northern Nigeria he was referring to.

I am aware of two professors who bear Pate as a surname. They are both solid intellectuals and leaders in their respective fields, who have reached the heights of their careers and attained global recognition.

One of them, Umar Pate, is a professor of Media and Society, while the other, Muhammad Pate, is a professor of Public Health. They have both produced exceptional scholarship, with footprints of excellence, not only in the academy as producers of knowledge but also as administrators in the public service to humanity, whether locally or internationally or across the two spheres.

While Umar is the son of a local Fulani chieftain in Adamawa State and bears the traditional title of Kaigama, Muhammad is the son of a Fulani herdsman in Bauchi State and holds the title of Chigarin Misau in the state.

They both obtained their first degrees in Nigeria. Umar graduated in Mass Communication from the University of Maiduguri and was offered an automatic teaching job in the Department following his National Youth Service. On the other hand, Muhammad graduated from the Ahmadu Bello University Medical School in Zaria, after which he started work in the institutions teaching hospital, before moving to Gambia to the British Medical Research Council Laboratories.

Umar Pate, who became a professor of Mass Communication at the age of 36, was also a senior lecturer at the Bayero University Kano (BUK), where he spearheaded the outstanding transformation of the Department of Mass Communication into a full-scale Faculty of Communication and served as its pioneer Dean.

He also established a modern radio station, set the pace for the creation of a modern television station and secured the department a huge grant from the MacArthur Foundation for the smooth running of the broadcast services on the BUK campus. He was equally Dean of the Postgraduate Studies programme of the Kano-based university before his appointment as the Vice Chancellor of Federal University Kashere, Gombe State.

Meanwhile, after serving as a catalyst for the attainment of significant impacts, through far-reaching health sector reform programmes in Africa and other continents, as a World Bank health specialist, Muhammad was appointed chief executive officer of the National Primary Healthcare Care Development Agency (NPHCDA) at the peak of the polio epidemic crisis in Nigeria. Within a short period of his appointment, his strategic engagement with traditional rulers in helping to demand for vaccines and other primary healthcare services in their respective domains laid the foundation of an aggressive emergency polio eradication response. This was implemented through emergency operation centres (EOCs) that contained, and later eradicated, polio transmission in the country.

Muhammad Pate also led the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation into Nigeria and guided their approach of direct engagement with the State Primary Healthcare Agencies. It was therefore not surprising that he was subsequently appointed as Health Minister by the Nigerian government, before he later resigned and took up the position of a professor in Duke University’s Global Health Institute, in the USA.

Umar Pate as President of the Association of Communication Scholars and Professionals of Nigeria (ACSPN) is an advocate of social accountability through the practice of investigative journalism and a leading light in capacity building through the modification of the journalism curriculum in Nigerias tertiary institutions, to address emerging trends in the industry. His scholarship is highly cited, locally and internationally, in the areas of crisis communication, political communication, communication policies, media freedom, development communication, health communication, peace and conflict communication, among others.

Umar Pate has served the UN system in Afghanistan, Liberia, Sierra Leone and the Cameroons, and was on the Board of Directors of the International Network of UNESCO Professors in Communication (ORBICOM), in addition to being a consultant to several multilateral organisations, including USAID, UNFPA, UNICEF, UNESCO, the World Bank, and Ford Foundation, etc.

On the other hand, Professor Muhammad Pate has taught comparative health systems to postgraduate students at the Duke Universitys Global Health Institute. Also, his record of service includes being global director of Health, Nutrition and Population (HNP) at the World Bank, a director of the Global Financing Facility for women, children and adolescents (GFF), and professor of public health leadership at the Harvard Chan School of Public Health. His technical expertise was felt when he led the World Banks COVID-19 global health response, during which he represented the Bank on various boards, including those of GAVI (the Vaccine Alliance), the Global Fund, and UNAIDS.

Without any form of equivocation, the lives of the two Pates are synonymous with hard work and excellence across the intellectual spheres and service to humanity, which is enhanced by the testaments of witnesses to their selflessness, senses of contentment, tolerance, and easy reciprocation of good.

. Beep. Beep. Beep, my phone rang again, displaying the same foreign number.

The call came through without breaking this time, and I realised the caller was an old acquaintance, who admitted to have been the one who called earlier. I then quickly asked which of Professor Pates he was referring to, in apprehension of the line breaking off again, before the message was complete.

The caller said he was referring to Professor Muhammad Pate, who had just resigned as the chief executive of GAVI, the Vaccine Alliance so that he could return to Nigeria and make positive contributions to the health sector under the current administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, even as a formal announcement is yet to be made.

GAVI, formerly known as the Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunisation, is a publicprivate global health partnership with the goal of increasing access to immunisation in poor countries. It remains the main donor-funder of vaccination in low- and middle-income countries, which a budget in excess of $7 billion.

The caller added that he was aware of the subterranean and at times open campaigns of some politicians to discredit his nomination for a possible federal appointment because he was not on the ground during the political campaigns.

It is interesting that despite Pate being appointed as CEO of GAVI with an enviable package of remunerations in February 2023, following a year-long recruitment process, he appears to have chosen the yeomans job of public service in Nigeria. This points to a quality beyond self-seeking that is almost alien to much of human nature. Pate was expected to have officially resumed in GAVI on the 3rd of August, when he announced what many consider his shocking resignation, as he was noted to have said that he has taken an incredibly difficult decision to accept a request to return and contribute to his home country, Nigeria.

While I cannot confirm the authenticity of the alleged gang-up and conspiracy against Professor Muhammad Pate, although one has stumbled upon a few not-so-complimentary commentaries about his imminent federal appointment on social media, it is necessary to urge President Tinubu to keep on the front burner the crucial task of national rebuilding that incumbent upon him in his search for and recruitment of those to help him achieve his mandate of a re-engineered country.

The President needs beyond finding the appropriate ways of rewarding those who worked for his election persons with track records of significant service and leadership experience, alongside technical expertise in relevant fields, who can help in salvaging Nigeria from the very bad place in which it is presently.

Nigeria deserves the very best of qualified male and female persons who can man critical sectors of governance such as health, the economy, security and education, among others. Appointments should therefore be on merit and not as patronage to feather the nests of political godfatherism.

As the two eminent Pates Umar and Muhammad go about deepening their intellectual and public engagements, I wish them more wins, and years of rewarding work and excellence. May the spirit of excellence that they are bearers of, define the Nigeria that we are all striving for.

Yushau A. Shuaib is the author of Award-Winning Crisis Communication Strategies.
www.YAShuaib.com, yashuaib@yahoo.com

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The controversy over the arrival of Chinese medical experts in Nigeria is needless, going by an official statement from China Civil Engineering Construction Corporation (‘CCECC’), which sponsored the trip of this medical personnel and the supplies being brought into the country.

The Managing Director of CCECC, Michael Jiang said the medical team is not coming to Nigeria to treat any COVID-19 patient but is only escorting the medical supplies to the country, and would be on hand to provide guidance for their usage and distribution. The supplies being donated to Nigeria include test kits, ventilators, disinfection machines, disposable medical masks, medicines, rubber gloves, protective gowns, goggles, face shields, infra-red thermometers and other critical care items. (https://cutt.ly/ccecc)

On the day the Chinese medical team arrived in the country late in the evening of Wednesday April 8, the Nigeria Centre for Disease Control (NCDC) had announced then that the total number of coronavirus infection cases in the country was 276, with 44 of these having been treated and discharged, while quite unfortunately six of those who contracted the disease had died. (https://cutt.ly/ncdc)

The rate of recovery of coronavirus disease patients in Nigeria is quite encouraging. In fact, a number of high-profile personalities who had tested positive to the infection have since recovered and been given a clean slate of health within a short period of time. They include Governors Bala Mohammed of Bauchi State and Seyi Makinde of Oyo State.

While a conspiracy of silence subsisted on effective remedies for the coronavirus infection and disease, Governor Makinde of Oyo State revealed that he had fought the infection with carrots, vitamin C, black seed oil with honey and made vigorous efforts to boost his immunity, whilst regularly exercising when in isolation. (https://cutt.ly/makinde).

Meanwhile, Nigerian professor of Pharmacognosy and Chairman of the Imo State Taskforce on COVID-19, Professor Maurice Iwu has laid claims to the creation of a plant-based and already patented drug for the treatment of the dreaded coronavirus, which he said is presently going through clinical trials in the United States of America. This, he had disclosed to Nigeria’s Minister of Science and Technology, Dr. Ogbonnaya Onu during a recent visit. (https://cutt.ly/iwu)

Still, there has been cheerful news around the world about breakthrough medicines and remedies that are tackling the menace of coronavirus to great degrees of efficacy. After President Donald Trump of the United States of America had nudged at the use of Chloroquine therapy in curing the virus, a new controlled clinical study conducted by doctors in France has shown that a combination of Hydroxychloroquine and Azithromycin (Z-Pak) completely cures coronavirus patients within six days of treatment. In fact, the healing of 80 additional patients has confirmed the effectiveness of this new line of therapy, as advanced by the French researchers. (https://cutt.ly/chloro)

In a similar development, another wonder drug, Tocilizumab, is reputed to have cured 90 per cent of those it was administered on, in a groundbreaking trial on severe and critical COVID-19 patients in two separate hospitals in the eastern province of Anhui in China. Tocilizumab, otherwise known as Actemra and produced by the Swiss pharmaceutical firm, Roche, is typically used to combat arthritis. (https://cutt.ly/actemra)

Another report claims that Chinese doctors gave the medication to 20 patients during the peak of the epidemic in China. Of this number, nineteen of them were discharged within 14 days, despite having earlier been critically ill. The drug has now been approved for use in China and for trials in the U.S. (https://cutt.ly/trials)

While I strongly believe that this period of anxiety and fear over the coronavirus disease pandemic would soon be over, there are many people – young and elderly, educated and uneducated, rich and poor, powerful and less powerful – who are greatly disturbed psychologically in this period, and who have no one to give them words of encouragement and hope.

It is unfortunate that some traditional and religious leaders have been aggravating the anxiety of their followers by giving them misleading information and raising false hopes in them, at a time when fact-based approaches are essential to tackling the coronavirus scourge.

It is however reassuring to note that a number of major religious bodies in Nigeria have aligned their messages to the faithful with medical advice. The Nigerian Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs (NSCIA) and the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN), for instance, have asked their followers to obey the directives of governments and take all precautionary measures issued by the authorities on coronavirus. They have cautioned Muslims and Christians against convening or attending religious activities, while observing social distancing when they experience symptoms of coronavirus such as respiratory distress, fever, cough, and shortness of breath, etc. (https://cutt.ly/religions)

At this period of global anxiety, confusion and a near state of hopelessness due to overwhelming and disturbing news about the coronavirus infection and disease, we should encourage our loved ones in coping with the attendant stress. According to experts, excessive thinking about the pandemic can worsen mental health conditions. It is therefore necessary to always take breaks from the preponderance of alarming information, disturbing news and activities on the traditional and social media. We need to cultivate a more positive mindset, fostered by healthy diets, regular exercise and taking enough rest in this difficult period. When disturbed, it is advisable that we talk to people we feel comfortable with and trust, in expressing our fears and concerns.

The manageable levels of the pandemic, within the limits of our health care system in Nigeria, needs to be sustained through rigorous campaigns on social distancing and the adoption of appropriate hygienic lifestyles.

Yushau A. Shuaib
Author of Award-Winning Crisis Communication Strategies
yashuaib@yahoo.com

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When President Muhammadu Buhari announced Sadiya Umar Farouq as the Minister of Humanitarian Affairs, Disaster Management and Social Development, only a few people could truly decipher the gamut of huge responsibilities and critical roles of this super-powerful Ministry.

The idea for the establishment of the Ministry was proposed by the House of Representatives early this year, to take care of the huge humanitarian needs of those displaced by insurgency in the North-East.

Before her ministerial appointment, Ms. Sadiya Umar Farouq was Federal Commissioner of the National Commission for Refugees, Migrants and Internally Displaced Persons ((NCFRMI)) and had served as a staff of the National Assembly Service Commission before leaving to join politics in 2010.

An astute politician from Zamfara State and former National Treasurer of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Sadiya attended Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria where she obtained a Bachelor of Science (Bsc.) degree in Business Administration (Actuarial Science) and Master’s degrees in International Affairs and Business Administration.

In his Independence Day speech on October 1, President Muhammadu Buhari hinted that the new Minister would oversee the administration’s Special Intervention Programmes.

Speaking on the Special Intervention Programme, which was hitherto under the supervision of the office of the Vice President, Professor Yemi Osinbajo, the President stated that, “Our ongoing N500 billion Special Intervention Programme continues to target vulnerable groups, through the home-grown School Feeding Programme, Government Economic Empowerment Programme, N-Power, Job Creation Programme, loans for traders and artisans, Conditional Cash Transfers to the poorest families and social housing scheme.

“To institutionalise these impactful programmes, we created the Ministry for Humanitarian Affairs, Disaster Management and Social Development, which shall consolidate and build on our achievements to date. To the beneficiaries of these programmes, I want to reassure you that our commitment to social inclusion will only increase.”

From this background, therefore, the Minister of Humanitarian Affairs has a huge task on her shoulders. During her tenure at the Refugees Commission, Sadiya played a prominent role in the passage of the National Commission for Refugees, Migrants and Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) (Repeal and Re-enactment) Bill, 2018 (SB 335), which annulled the extant Act and re-enacted certain provisions to protect the rights of refugees, migrants, and IDPs, in line with international best practices.

The law empowers the Commission to act as the coordinating arm for the effective administration and management of issues pertaining to refugees, migrants and IDPs in Nigeria, while expanding the scope of the Commission to include facilitating the management and utilisation of funds from government and donor agencies.

In one of her public engagements, she had then pointed out that the extant law would address the issues of migration arising from communal conflicts, insurgency, and insecurity, due to the absence of a legal framework to prevent evolving challenges in this regard.

With the establishment of the new ministry, it is expected that the Minister will ensure better coordination of humanitarian services, the protection of relief providers and safety of emergency workers, whilst ensuring the judicious utilisation of resources.

It is undeniable that disaster management and poverty alleviation programmes in Nigeria are currently undertaken without synergy, hence a proper institution-based coordination mechanism is necessary to tackle humanitarian and emergency needs, with the effectiveness required to bring enduring relief to those affected by these situations.

The social development aspect of the mandate of the Ministry would need to consider soft approaches, entailing programmes that would address the roots of insurgency, kidnapping, armed banditry, poverty and disease which have been attributed to various factors, including the political, social and economic.

There is currently a document, the National Counter Terrorism Strategy (NACTEST), which aims to forestall, secure, identify, prepare and implement key objectives and indicators, to effectively ensure the monitoring and evaluation of these soft approach programmes.

The Strategy, developed by international partners, experienced academics and select non-state actors, actually recommends useful programmes for education, economic empowerment and gender issues in vulnerable communities. With its implementation anchored on the Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA), the Strategy was put together taking into account the root causes of terrorism and other violent crimes in order to apply appropriate solutions to them.

Using the template in its programmes, the Ministry can involve the participation of the civil society, academics, the media, and traditional, religious and community leaders, as it utilises existing structures within and outside government to deliver targeted activities that further the overall objective of stemming the tide of radicalism and economic crimes.

The mandatory registration of local and international humanitarian agencies should also be undertaken, against the background of the alleged suspicious activities of some of them by the Nigerian military. In fact, considering the sensitive nature of Sadiya Umar Farouq’s office in relation to national security, the Ministry should work with the security and intelligence services in disaster prevention and response operations, as well as coordinating the activities of home-based NGOs interested in humanitarian and social development endeavours.

For sure, some of agencies expected to report to the Ministry would likely include the organisation she previously led, the National Commission for Refugees, alongside the National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA), the North-East Development Commission (NEDC), the Border Communities Development Agency (BCDA), Federal Fire Service and, possibly, the Presidential Amnesty Programme.

On the economic front, especially in terms of poverty alleviation programmes, the Ministry should supervise or, in the alternative, work closely with the Nigeria Social Insurance Trust Fund (NSITF), the Ecological Fund Office, National Social Investment Programme (NSIP), School Feeding Programme, TraderMoni and N-Power, which are part of the Government Enterprise and Empowerment Programme (GEEP).

The activities of the listed agencies should be streamlined for proper coordination and to avoid the duplication of responsibilities. Proper documentation is equally essential for the humanitarian service providers, interventionist agencies, and Non-Governmental Organisations, including the putting together of an accurate database of the IDPs.

The Ministry requires adequate and competent manpower, including financial and logistics resources for disaster management and poverty alleviation. This will ensure proper supervision and implementation of the various programmes by the existing agencies.

Yushau A. Shuaib
Author “An Encounter with the Spymaster”
yashuaib@yahoo.com

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After the Chief Imam ended the prayer in the mosque, his deputy collected the microphone and delivered strong worded condemnation on insurgents for the killing of innocent people in the name of Islam. The deputy ended by saying “terrorists will roast in hell-fire!”

Surprisingly, the Chief Imam retrieved the microphone from his deputy and declared to the bewildered congregation: “Salam Alaikum. I am the Chief Imam of the mosque. The man who just condemned Boko Haram ‘citizens’ is the deputy Imam and his house is the one painted in white and blue behind the Emir’s palace by the right-hand corner…”

Sometimes the silence of Northerners and Muslims over monumental atrocities being committed in some parts of the North, is being viewed either as a sign of complicity or endorsement of atrocities being perpetrated by insurgents. The reality however, is that most of the victims of the attacks are actually Northerners and many are even notable traditional rulers and Islamic clerics who dared to condemn such activities just like the killing of Emir of Gwoza.
On the contrary, challenges against complacency should rather be directed at the political class who have the resources and network to address the insecurity even during its infancy. It became clearly evident that there was trouble earlier on when there was proliferation of some groups that are now challenging our corporate existence.

In a widely publicised article penned by this writer in March 2006 during President Obasanjo’s era titled “Killing in the Name of the Devil” which coincidentally was in response to an ethno-religious crisis in Maiduguri, Borno State following a controversial Danish cartoon, I pointed out that: “Probably out of fear and to sustain loyalty of followers, some leaders adopt subtle approach to comment on the mayhem instead of condemning it in the strongest possible terms. The holy scriptures have several verses that denounce those horrendous anomalies. Even our cherished cultures are rich in expressions that could be deployed at this moment of tribulation and vengeance.”

Few years later, precisely in June 2011, in an article entitled “Asari Dokubo: Another View on Boko Haram”, this writer joined the maverick Niger Delta militant, in total condemnation of the extra-judicial killing of Mohammed Yusuf, his father-in-law and a former commissioner for Water Resources in Borno, Buji Fai who were murdered in cold-blood while in police custody.

There is no doubt that leaders from the North have failed to tame excesses and recklessness of religious bigots and extremists, which have led to insecurity in the region. Rather than wake up from their slumbers and tackle the poverty, ignorance and insecurity in the region, some Northern political class and elites, deliberately cover their failures by spinning conspiracy theory that some groups and individual outside of the region are instigating the atrocities. It will be difficult for an outsider to manipulate a household whose members are disciplined and in the right frame of mind.

There are various conspiracy theories being parroted about the crises being engineered by outsiders against the North and Northerners. This is a cheap argument that someone will use northerners to fight northerners in the North where ringleaders and arrested suspects are mostly Northerners without a trace of the so-called outsiders or Southern collaborators. It is also doubtful if top Northern security officers at the national level and commanders on the battlefields will be willing tools in the plan to destroy their own region. Could the so-called Northern conspirators intend to relocate to the South after the total destruction of the North? Some conspiracy theories don’t just make sense.

As Northerners we should be wary of those playing politics with the life of our people and face the real challenges of good governance. We should realise that only very few states in Nigeria can survive without revenue from the Federal Government in the name of the Federation Account. We should question our leaders about what they have done with all the resources which are meant to address the stark backwardness of the Northern region. We should also urge them that rather than merely expecting monthly revenue from Cheap oil Money, they should diversify and invest in the productive sector that could improve the economic bases of their respective states and make our people self-reliant and independent from revenue from the central government.

Our leaders should also stop flaunting ill-gotten wealth through accumulations of mansions and ostentatious marriage ceremonies to the envy of the uneducated and poor in the society which to some extent also provoke militancy.

We should deemphasise debate on imaginary conspiracy theories by being constructive in our engagements as well as work on practical actions to tame widespread insecurity presently threatening to completely destroy our region. Our leaders should not exhibit traits that portray them as overly ambitious and selfish. We can’t continue to remain silent when this crisis is razing and may consume everyone.

As a Muslim, I believe Islamic leaders need to do more to promote and protect the faith from activities of some followers that give a contrary image to the Religion of Peace. Common sense dictates that Daawah or preaching for good conduct and morality should start within by advocating religious tolerance and peaceful coexistence so that our great nation will not disintegrate by 2015.

Yushau A. Shuaib

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Nelson Mandela Embodiment of Public Relations PR

Nelson Mandela: An Embodiment of Public Relations By Yushau Shuaib

“Mandela was filled with humility, forgiving spirit and the ability to unite people, sharply contrasted with the utterances of some politicians who speak as if ‘Nigeria is their bedroom’ from where they make proclamation and intimidate others.” – Goodluck Jonathan of Nigeria.

When President Goodluck Jonathan made the above praises after the demise of Nelson Mandela, the weight of the message was not realised until after a leakage of a letter addressed to him from former President Olusegun Obasanjo.

Meanwhile in his tribute Chief Olusegun Obasanjo stated that “we all have the opportunity to act nobly in whatever position we find ourselves. When we teach our children the lessons for tomorrow, let us be reminded of the lessons Mandela gave the world in forgiveness and forbearance.”

Those who read between the lines, considering the rapid turn of events within the period, would realise that beneath the tributes are political grandstanding and Public Relations (PR) strategies by leaders in their deliberate effort be relevant and be so recognised. President Barak Obama of America seemed to outshine others in his tribute and actions during the memorial on Mandela in South Africa.

Nelson Mandela was an embodiment of great public relations: charming, charismatic, eloquent and convincing in his approaches. While protecting the interest of his people, he was harassed and jailed for 27 years before his eventual freedom and election as President of his nation.

He was a great communicator who used his power of oratory and conviction to mobilise and move his people to action. He dignified himself in and outside the office, such that he eased the task of reputation managers. Ironically, in other climes such reputation managers who go with such titles of spokespersons or media advisers deserved to be managed from wrecking havocs on the image of their principals and organisations.

Going by the International Public Relations Association (IPRA) code of Conduct, the anti-Apartheid icon, who died at the age of 96, exemplified all the attributes of PR person. The IPRA Code is an affirmation of professional and ethical conduct for communicators. The new Code which was adopted in 2011 consolidates the 1961 Code of Venice, the 1965 Code of Athens and the 2007 Code of Brussels.

The code urges communicators to observe the principles of the UN Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and act with honesty and integrity at all times so as to secure and retain the confidence of their people. During his life time, Nelson Mandela insisted on the human dignity and respect for human right which engineered his struggle for the emancipation of his people from colonialism.

While PR communicators are enjoined to establish the moral, cultural and intellectual conditions for dialogue, and recognise the rights of all parties involved to state their case and express their views, Mandela garnered more friends as he embraced his adversaries wholeheartedly. It was indeed ironic that all those who had fought him and called him terrorists were among those singing his praises while he was alive and after his death.

While IPRA urges its members to be open and transparent, and to avoid any professional conflicts of interest, Mandela’s reluctant to seek for extension of tenure was one of the indicators that he had no hidden agenda. In some countries, especially in Africa leaders perpetuate themselves in office for immunity from prosecution for their misconducts. He was a selfless leader, who rather than making money for himself as a lawyer and politician, he was busy counselling the world on the necessity of living peaceful.

The IPRA code of conduct strongly admonishes communicators to honour confidential information provided to them. As a former President of South Africa, Mandela must have had the privilege of accessing information on those involved in his incarceration and the killing of blacks during the war against apartheid and colonialism. He never allowed those privilege information to influence his sense of judgement as a leader who was neither petty nor vindictive.

Deception and misleading information for political patronages are attributes of propagandists who led their followers and communities astray, Nelson Mandela was a sincere and honesty communicator who bare his mind openly without any aura of arrogance and intellectual supremacy.

Mandela avoided unnecessary controversies as a man of peace. He was very mindful of his utterances, actions and the kind of friends and allies he related with during his sojourn on earth. As a global role model, every word he uttered was loaded with lessons and power to mobilise people to good causes.

He is being celebrated not only for being a freedom fighter but for his spirit of public relations and communication skills. We can obtain any qualification such as Law, Accounting, Medicine, Engineering, journalism, architect, politics among others, but we may need to imbibe elements and principles of Public Relations like Nelson Mandela to communicate truthfully and convincingly to win the supports of our targets.

Indeed Mandela, the pride of African and black race was truly a PR Man of the Century.
Yushau A. Shuaib

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