Let me start by acknowledging that storytellers increasingly seek to replace historians in shaping narratives. While anyone can become a storyteller, not everyone can be a historian. Storytelling involves crafting real or fictional narratives designed to entertain, educate, or inspire, often without strict adherence to factual accuracy. History, by contrast, is a meticulous record of past events, rooted in evidence and striving for objectivity and understanding. While storytelling prioritises creativity and emotional resonance, history demands scholarly rigor and factual analysis. Stories may incorporate history, but not all stories are historical.

History remains historyeven in todays climate, where Western and Eastern media often compromise journalistic ethics, favoring partisanship over accuracy and truth. This is evident in their coverage of the Russia-Ukraine conflict, where some outlets prioritise one-sided narratives, forsaking fairness and balance. Once respected for their integrity, many international media platforms now align themselves with the interests of patrons and sponsors, abandoning independence and impartiality.

This brings me to a recent article by award-winning columnist Lasisi Olagunju of the Nigerian Tribune titled “Fulani, Hausa, and Yoruba Truths.” In his piece, Olagunju explores Nigerian history, ethnicity, and identity complexities. While he challenges northern scholars narratives about the origins of the term Yoruba, his focus heavily skews toward Yoruba history, leaving the other two ethnic groups mentioned in his titleFulani and Hausalargely unexamined.

The article appears to be a reaction to an announcement by Minister of Education Tunji Alausa about reintroducing history as a subject in Nigerian primary and secondary schools. In his characteristic fashion, Olagunju highlights the contradictions in the accounts of three “historians” on Yoruba history, including comments by Kemi Badenoch, a Yoruba woman and a leader of the Conservative Party in the United Kingdom.

Badenoch controversially stated, “Being Yoruba is my true identity, and I refuse to be lumped with northern people of Nigeria, who were our ethnic enemies, all in the name of being called a Nigerian.”

This statement provoked a satirical response from Nigerian-American professor Farooq Kperogi, who argued that the Yoruba ethnic group owes its nameand much of its history and languageto northern Nigeria. Kperogi cites Songhai scholar Ahmad Baba, who, in his 1613 essay “Al-kashf wa-l-bayān li-aṣnāfmajlūb al-Sūdān,” first referenced the Yoruba as “Yariba.”

Olagunjus article counters Kperogis claims, particularly the argument that the name “Yoruba” originated from Northern Nigeria’s Baatonu (Bariba) people. He draws on Yoruba historians to offer alternative explanations for the term’s origin, but his rebuttal lacks consistent reliance on verifiable sources.

For instance, he cited the response of Moyo Okediji, a Nigerian-American art history professor at the University of Texas at Austin, who publicly commended Badenoch for distancing herself from northern Nigeria due to concerns about terrorism in the region.

However, rather than citing credible sources, Okediji offered his own interpretation of the origin of the name “Yoruba,” claiming that his (own) grandmother had told him it is a shortened form of “A yọ orù bá wọn dáná ọmọ tuntun.” He suggested it is a panegyric phrase referring to both Ọ̀ṣun and Ọya, particularly Ọ̀ṣun. Unfortunately, he did not provide the year of his grandmother’s birth to lend credibility to his assertion. While colourful, the professors interpretation is unsubstantiated and anecdotal, lacking the academic rigor necessary for historical discourse.

Olagunju also speculates on the term “Yoruba,” suggesting it “may have existed long before the Bariba and the Yoruba had cause to meet.” Yet, like Okediji’s claims, this assertion lacks substantial evidence or authority. Some references cited by Olagunju include Richard Smith’s “The Alaafin in Exile: A Study of the Igboho Period in Oyo History,” published in The Journal of African History, March 1965, and Professor J.A. Atanda’s “The Historian and The Problem of Origins of Peoples in Nigerian Society,” published in December 1980. According to Olagunju, Atanda writes that “Sultan Bello’s account of the origin of the Yoruba people drew inspiration from an old Arabic text, ‘Azhar al-Ruba fi Akhbar Bilad Yoruba,’ written by Dan Masani, a noted Katsina scholar who lived in the seventeenth century and died in 1667.” These references highlight the involvement of non-Yoruba scholars, predominantly from the north or Arabian backgrounds. Therefore, the argument by the writer could not effectively challenge the central premise of Kperogis argument or provide conclusive evidence for his claims.

Olagunju also mentions Samuel Johnson in his work, “The History of the Yorubas,” as “one of the most famous figures in Yoruba history.” Still, he did not provide the publication date, which may be deliberate. Samuel Johnson (1846-1901), an Anglican minister and historian, wrote a seminal history of the Yoruba people. Although the publisher lost his manuscript, it was reconstructed from his notes by his brother after his death. First published in 1921, this foundational work remains a standard reference for Yoruba history despite some inaccuracies acknowledged by scholars.

Olagunju appears primarily concerned with countering Kperogi’s claim about the influence of the Bariba in Yoruba land. He cites Professor Banji Akintoye, who claimed in “A History of the Yoruba People” (published in 2010) that “most of the greatest warriors in Yoruba history were produced by the Oyo Empire.” Olagunju mentions one such warrior, Iba Magaji, who served Obalokun and Ajagbo as Basorun and played a key role in early campaigns that conquered parts of Nupe and Bariba countries. This raises the question: is “Magaji” a Yoruba or Hausa name? Yet, this rhetorical flourish does little to resolve the broader debate.

Does history hold significance when tribal and ethnic sentiments distort narratives, overshadowing fact and truth? How can we cite the personal impressions and perceptions of politicians and historians who demonstrate apparent bias towards specific ethnic groups? Educated individuals must refer to reputable resources that substantiate their claims.

Reliance on reliable and unbiased sources is paramount if history is to be taught in Nigerian schools. Documented evidence and peer-reviewed publications should serve as essential reference materials.

While Olagunju’s article sheds light on Nigerian history and identity complexities, I disagree with him on teaching compromised narratives to appease ethnic loyalties. This trend is becoming increasingly prevalent among contemporary historians in politics, academia, and the media, especially among Nigerians. I believe history should remain true to its essence not a collection of convenient stories but a dedicated pursuit of truth.

Yushau A. Shuaib is the author of Strictly Personal: Writings for the Media www.YAShuaib.com, yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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Lasisi Olagunju, an esteemed columnist renowned for his incisive and thought-provoking writing, has long captivated readers with his ability to intertwine Yoruba folktales, historical references, and literary insight. His articles often critically examine Nigerias political and social landscape uniquely. Yet, even admirers like myselfa friend of over two decadesoccasionally find ourselves questioning some of his more provocative viewpoints.

Armed with a First-Class degree in English Studies and a PhD in political communication, Olagunju skillfully employs proverbs and allegorical storytelling to enrich his narratives, often embedding subtle hints that resonate with discerning readers capable of reading between the lines.

However, one area that has at times troubled me during our discussions is his candidand at times excessivecriticism of Northern Nigeria, which often extends to former President Buhari. Olagunju’s thematic collection of essays titled Cowries of Blood offers a poignant glimpse into his perspective on the Arewa region.

In his recent column, In Defence of Nepotism, Olagunju recounts a conversation with a northern friend (he didnt say I am the one) who criticised President Bola Tinubu for nepotistic appointments favouring the Yoruba. Olagunju counters this by asserting that the majority of key security appointments under Tinubu are held by northerners. His analysis appears to be informed by recent data from Sunday Dare, the newly appointed Presidential Adviser on Public Communication and Orientation. This data claims that strategic security roles are predominantly occupied by northerners, thereby challenging allegations of ethnic favouritism toward the Yoruba.

While Olagunju and Dare invoke the term “key and strategic positions” to bolster their arguments, they should note that certain statutory lead agencies hold far more critical operational and mandated significance than others.

For example, Dare’s analysis is not without its flaws. It raises eyebrows when he includes the two Defence Ministers, Muhammad Badaru and Bello Matawalle, as northern heads of agencies responsible for supervising the Army, Navy, and Air Force, yet omits the Minister of Interior, Dr. Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo from the Southwest, who oversees pivotal security agencies such as the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC), Immigration, Prison and the Fire Services as well as the board in charge of recruitments and promotions in those agencies.

Additionally, Dare, a former Minister of Youth and Sports, makes a confusing classification by listing the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) and the Nigerian Financial Intelligence Unit (NFIU) as security agencies led by northerners. Haba! This stretch of the concept of security agencies beyond their traditional confines further fuels scepticism regarding the credibility of his claims.

While Dares narrative may appear disingenuous, Olagunju’s assertion that Nigeria is geopolitically divided into three regionsSouth, West, and Northis laughable.

Emerging analyses, such as a recent report by PRNigeria, present a more nuanced view of security leadership distribution across Nigeria’s six geopolitical zones: Northwest, Northeast, Northcentral, Southwest, Southeast, and South-South.

Olagunjus perspectives on nepotism extend beyond mere data analysis. He argues that nepotism, often viewed negatively, can be a pragmatic strategy for leaders navigating Nigeria’s complex ethno-regional landscape. He traces the pattern of regional favouritism in appointments back to previous administrations.

A particularly striking claim from Olagunju posits that former President Olusegun Obasanjo strategically appointed primarily Southern and Northern Christians to sensitive security positions to mitigate perceived threats to his administration.

Olagunju notes, “Obasanjo had three Inspectors-General of Police, and all three were from his western region (Yoruba). His DG SSS from 1999 to 2007 was Colonel Kayode Are, his Abeokuta kinsman. For the army, Obasanjo, a Southern Christian, in eight years, had four gentlemen as his Chief of Army Staff. He started in 1999 with Victor Malu, a Christian from the North; then he moved south and picked Alexander Ogomudia, a Southern minority. After two years, two months, Obasanjo took the position back to the North but did not give it to those who might use it to injure him. He picked Martin Luther Agwai, a Southern Kaduna minority Christian. Three years later, he went south again and selected Andrew Owoye Azazi, another Southern minority. He was clearly deliberate about what he did, mixing his nationalist broth with condiments of small nepotism here a little altruism there. The Obasanjo experience ended almost twenty years ago. This is the age of reason, with an apology to Thomas Paine. The gloves are off.”

However, as Olagunju emphasises this troubling narrative, it raises pertinent questions: Are Northern Muslims seen as potential threats capable of undermining any sitting president? Does this atmosphere of distrust underpin Tinubu’s preference for predominantly Yoruba Christian leadership within critical security agencies?

Despite being a Muslim, President Tinubu has entrusted the most influential security and economic positions predominantly to Yoruba Christians from the Southwest. Notable examples include the Acting Chief of Army Staff, Lt. Gen. Olufemi Oluyode; Inspector General of Police, Kayode Egbetokun; Director General of the DSS, Adeola Ajayi; and EFCC Chairman, Olanipekun Olukayede, who all lead front-line agencies in military, security, intelligence, and anti-corruption efforts.

Similarly, key national economic positions are held by Yoruba Christians from the South-West, such as the Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), Yemi Cardoso; the powerful Chairman of the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS), Zacch Adedeji; and the Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy, Wale Edun.

Olagunjus analysis deepens when he alludes to the power dynamics within Tinubus administration. He provocatively suggests uncertainty surrounding who truly holds powerwhether it is President Tinubu, his wife Remi Tinubu, an ordained senior pastor in the Redeemed Christian Church of God (RCCG), or even their son and close associates.

This observation leads to a broader concern about the direction of Nigerias democracy. Could this also reflect the agitation of Yoruba Muslims who feel underrepresented in Tinubus administration?

Olagunju further predicts impending leadership changes, particularly regarding the next Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) chairman. He argues that Tinubu’s choice is likely to reflect home-region bias, echoing the missteps of previous leaders. He warns that unlike President Goodluck Jonathanwho appointed a non-regional INEC chairman to his detrimentTinubu will likely prioritize regional loyalty in this critical appointment in 2025.

The implications of nepotism in Nigerias leadership are profound. Every moment a leader prioritizes ethnicity over competence is a moment that edges the nation closer to instability. If certain groups are deemed untrustworthy for critical appointments, how can they, in turn, trust the administration with their votes?

Ultimately, every moment spent fostering nepotism over competence distances Nigeria from effective governance. Leaders must embrace inclusivity and meritocracy to nurture trust and collaboration among all regions and ethnicities. Only then can Nigeria aspire to realise its full potential as a united nation.

Yushau A. Shuaib
www.YAShuaib.com, yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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