There are few things more dignifying than when a towering public figure extends the courtesy of respect wrapped in humility. General Lucky Irabor, former Chief of Defence Staff, exemplifies that rare blend of strength and grace. When he invited me to the presentation of his new book, “SCARS: Nigerias Journey and the Boko Haram Conundrum,” I was reminded that behind the imposing military uniform lies a man of reflection, intellect, and empathy unless, of course, one dares to cross the line.

This quality stands in sharp contrast to the arrogance I have encountered at a strategic institute where a few officers inflated egos left little room for courtesy or intellectual exchange.

I could not attend the book launch due to a scheduling conflict with the International Public Relations Associations (IPRA) Golden World Awards in Ghana, where both the Nigeria Customs Service and my organisation, Image Merchants Promotion Limited (IMPR), were being honoured. On my return to Abuja, all copies of the book had sold out at the designated bookshops, and I was due to travel to Canada that same night. Learning of my predicament, General Irabor personally ensured a copy was sent to me a gesture that spoke volumes about his character.

Taking the advice of his friend, Vice President Kashim Shettima, that to truly enjoy a book, read it on a long journey, I opened it mid-flight and did not stop until I reached the last page. In less than twenty-four hours, I devoured the 300-page memoir a deeply analytical, well-researched, and intellectually stimulating work that goes far beyond the typical autobiographical recount of a retired general.

Irabors SCARS stands out for its narrative style. It is not a self-indulgent memoir but a reflective chronicle that blends personal experience with historical analysis and policy critique. He writes with academic precision, referencing other scholars, field experiences, and verifiable data. Between the lines, the discerning reader can sense his measured but firm convictions on the Boko Haram insurgency, Niger Delta militancy, IPOB separatism, Yoruba nationalism, and the societal decay that has haunted Nigeria since independence.

The book is a panoramic chronicle from the civil war and military coups to democratic transitions and insurgencies offering a sober reflection on the choices and failures that have defined Nigerias evolution. Notably, Irabor avoids sensationalism or name-dropping; even his acknowledgments are strikingly modest despite the calibre of personalities including former Presidents who later attended the unveiling in Abuja.

Former President Olusegun Obasanjo, in his foreword, aptly describes the book as a soldiers honest reflection on a nations unfinished journey. But the true revelations lie within the pages in Irabors unflinching interrogation of Nigerias political and moral contradictions.

Among the books most intriguing points is his assertion that no full-fledged coup dtat in Nigeria has ever occurred without civilian collaboration. He argues that soldiers, bound by their oath of allegiance, often justify interventions through the prism of national defence. This interpretation shifts part of the blame for Nigerias military incursions to opportunistic civilians who manipulate or enable such actions for personal gain.

Equally provocative is his historical framing of Northern Nigerias recurring religious conflicts. Irabor traces their roots to Usman Dan Fodios jihad of 1804, viewing it as the starting point of organized religious militancy in the region. While this perspective is historically grounded, it risks oversimplification. Thankfully, Irabor tempers his argument by contextualizing it within the broader millenarian revolts of early colonialism, suggesting that both Islamic revivalism and Christian evangelism during the colonial era contributed to shaping Nigerias spiritual and social divides.

One area readers may find conspicuously absent is any mention of the tragic death of gallant General Ibrahim Attahiru, the late Chief of Army Staff who perished in a plane crash shortly after Boko Harams leader, Abubakar Shekau, was reportedly killed. Given Irabors position as the CDS, his silence on the matter is perhaps deliberate an act of discretion from a professional soldier who values institutional continuity over personal disclosure.

Still, his candour shines through elsewhere. The sections on Northern Nigerias political elite are unambiguously critical. Irabor faults the regions leaders for presiding over deepening poverty, illiteracy, and insecurity despite their educational exposure and political dominance. He cites World Bank data showing that the ten poorest states in Nigeria are all in the North-East and North-West, with 87% of the nations poorest population concentrated there. He attributes this grim reality to elite hypocrisy, religious manipulation, and the failure to translate political power into social progress.

He particularly denounces the politicisation of religion, using the Sharia Movement in Zamfara (1999) as a case study of how political opportunism derailed governance. Quoting Emir Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, Irabor laments the commodification of piety a process through which religion becomes a tool of control rather than a vehicle for moral upliftment.

He calls on Northern leaders to emulate progressive Muslim societies like Saudi Arabia and Turkey, which have harmonised faith with modernity rather than allowing religion to justify stagnation. His position on the Almajiri system is particularly powerful; he argues that no faith sanctions the institutionalisation of street begging or the abandonment of children in the name of learning.

The chapter on the Dead Horse Theory is one of the books most intellectually stimulating sections. Here, Irabor uses the metaphor to describe Nigerias tendency to keep beating dead horses sustaining failed policies and obsolete institutions instead of pursuing meaningful reform. He cites the duplication of examination bodies like WAEC and NECO, the Nomadic Education Programme, and the regional cut-off mark policy as examples of how Nigeria perpetuates inefficiency under the guise of inclusiveness.

The discussion on Boko Haram is both historical and diagnostic. Irabor situates the insurgency within a continuum of religious and socio-political crises, from the Maitatsine riots of the 1980s to the Sharia clashes of 19992000. He chronicles how Mohammed Yusuf, the sects founder, began as a member of Bornos Sharia Implementation Committee, only to break away and radicalise disillusioned youth by preaching against Western education and government corruption. The book exposes the irony of Boko Harams dependence on Western technology weapons, communication tools, and propaganda platforms even while denouncing Western civilisation.

Irabor portrays Boko Haram not as a purely religious movement but as a symptom of governance failure, economic deprivation, and elite negligence. He identifies the drivers of extremism as unaddressed political grievances, weaponisation of religion and tribe, a biased legal framework, and weakened institutions.

The author also voices deep concern over what he described as an international conspiracy against Nigeria, singling out certain foreign entities and media organisations. He accuses them of not only supplying logistical support to terrorist groups but also of deliberately spreading false narratives aimed at discrediting the Nigerian military and destabilising national security.

In his closing reflections, the General offers a pragmatic pathway forward: diplomatic negotiation, socioeconomic and political realignment, and governance reforms that reward merit and restore trust. The time for change is now, he writes, and it must begin with truth, inclusion, and a commitment to genuine progress.

SCARS is not just a memoir; it is a mirror reflecting Nigerias wounds the scars of war, hypocrisy, and wasted potential. Irabors writing is measured but fearless, scholarly yet deeply human. His critique of the North is not an attack but a plea for introspection; his assessment of Nigerias leadership failures is not cynical but reformist.

This book is an essential read for anyone seeking to understand Nigerias enduring crises from insurgency and leadership to the complex interplay between faith, politics, and national identity.

General Lucky Irabors SCARS leaves readers not with despair, but with hope the hope that confronting our scars honestly is the first step toward national healing.

Yushau A. Shuaib is the author of An Encounter with the Spymaster and Award-Winning Crisis Communication Strategies. yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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What can one do when the terrorists (Boko Haram/ISWAP) who claim to be Muslims living among Muslims are killing Muslims without any mercy?

I just watched a video of Kanuri converts to other religion when the leadership and majority of Boko Haram are from the same ethnic group

What can one do when the terrorists (Boko Haram/ISWAP) who claim to be Muslims living among Muslims are killing Muslims without any mercy? At least 80% of abducted travellers between Maiduguri and Damaturu on the New year days are MUSLIMS.

Only those deeply-knowledgeable on Islam and strong-hearted would never doubt their faith when lunatics create wrong impressions on the noble teaching of Prophet Muhammad (SAW).

A Muslim is not only a believer by birth but by studying the holy scriptures, understanding, observing and practicing the tenets and principles of Islam. That is why I am proud to be a Muslim as I campaign against terrorists committing monstrous atrocities in the name of Islam in North-East and elsewhere.

And the NAKED TRUTH IS THAT THE PEOPLE IN THE COMMUNITIES KNOW THEM. Not all of us can be fooled.

Yushau A. Shuaib

www.YAShuaib.com

The post Kanuri Converts and Boko Haram Terrorism-YAShuaib appeared first on YAShuaib.

Was it not strange that the abduction of Kankara boys occurred on the day President Muhammadu Buhari arrived Daura, his hometown, in Katsina State, on a private visit? It is even more curious that the abductees were released on his birthday. Buhari last visited the state in December 2019, when he inaugurated construction work on the N18 billion University of Transportation, Daura.

While Borno in the North-East is the epicentre of Boko Haram terrorism, Zamfara in the North-West seems to be the hotbed of armed banditry, and Katsina, the home state of the President is fast becoming the haven of the fusion of notorious gangs of terror-bandits.

Just recently terrorists massacred over 45 farmers at Zabarmani in Borno and armed bandits kidnapped an Imam and 17 Muslim worshipers while observing congregational prayer at Dutsen Gari mosque in Zamfara before the terror-bandits abducted large population of students in Kankara, Katsina State.

The Katsina State Government had officially announced the abduction of 333 Kankara students before the Government of Zamfara State confirmed the release of 344 boys by the bandits.

In the peak of the crisis, an audio message from Shekau’s faction of Boko Haram, which had claimed responsibility for the abduction, did not provide video footage or photo evidence. The propaganda merely confirms the fact that bandits in the North-West and terrorists in the North-East are forging ties to destabilise the nation. In fact, PRNigeria has reported that terrorist groups are now recruiting the services of local gangs of bandits to carry out attacks and abductions for rewards.
The claim of responsibility by the terror group compelled some states to announce the closure of schools, especially in Katsina, Kano, Kaduna, Zamfara and Jigawa.

The latest incident of abduction which evoked memories of the 2014 kidnap of more than 275 students of Chibok Girls Secondary school in Borno State by terrorists, is fuelling a political rivalry between the People Democratic Party (PDP) and All Progressives Congress (APC) as they engage in blame game over the saga.

When the spokesperson of APC, Yekini Nabena, issued a statement to the effect that a governor in the north-west was sponsoring bandits in the region, Governor Matawalle of PDP promptly retorted by saying that Zamfara was a den of bandits with high cases of banditry under the leadership of APC.
Even though Gov Masari had confirmed a negotiation between Katsina government with the abductors, Gov Matawalle insisted that he facilitated the release of 344 schoolboys without any payment of ransom. In an interview with Daily Nigerian, Zamfara Governor said he deployed repentant bandits and the leadership of Miyetti Allah to identify the syndicate that led the abduction, and then started the negotiation process.

While security services, especially the military are also laying claim to the rescue of students from captivity, it would be recalled that a joint rescue operation was launched when intelligence services identified Zango/Paula forest as the hideout of the abductors, before a leader of a terrorist group claimed responsibility for the abduction. There are aerial videos and photos of troops monitoring the movements of the bandits and the students in the forest during the saga. The persistent military surveillance through ISR to some extent denied the abductors freedom of action and prevented the movement of the children across the border to a neighbouring country.

The motorcycle-riding armed bandits have been actively involved in cattle rustling for trade, kidnapping for ransom, raping for pleasure and mass murder in reprisal attacks, sometimes against security forces in most daring and worrisome coincidences.

Apart from the abduction of Kankara students during the President’s visit in Katsina, another coincidence was the killing of 23 Nigerian soldiers in an ambush by armed bandits in Jibia area in July. That deadly attack on troops occurred after the Chief of Army staff, Lieutenant General Tukur Yusuf Buratai had flagged off a Special Army Super Camp IV in the State. In fact during the flagging off ceremony in Faskari, Buratai said the establishment of the super camp was to mark the commencement of “Exercise Sahel Sanity 2020” to curb banditry and other forms of crimes plaguing communities in the North-West. He also commissioned intervention projects executed in various communities in Katsina to improve the civil-military relationship.

Similarly, in November (last month), heavily armed bandits, dressed in military camouflage, kidnapped nine police officers in the rank of Assistant Superintendents of Police (ASPs) between Kankara and Sheme towns in Katsina, before they were rescued/freed afterward.

Before then, in June, bandits stormed communities in Faskari and killed more than 46 people, mostly the aged, women and children. Some of the communities affected in the gruesome attacks include Kadisau, Maigora, Kabalawa, Kwakware, Raudama and Unguwar Wahabi.

Intelligence has shown that the bandits operate from their hideouts in the massive and dreaded Rugu forest that cuts across Jibia, Safana, Danmusa, Batsari, Dandume, Sabuwa, Kankara and Faskari Local Government Areas of Katsina State.

Surprisingly, as the Nigerian military intensifies its offensives in decimating several camps and neutralising many of the bandits, mostly through massive air raids and ground operations, the ranks of bandits increase by the day.

Despite the release of Kankara boys by terror-bandits, citizens still live in fear and apprehension of further attacks by bandits. In fact, the freed students while lamenting the suffering they went through in the kidnappers’ den, said they were not willing to return to school.

There is also the fear that with the vast majority of the population in that region living in extreme poverty, and kidnapping becoming a lucrative industry, some of the youths may be tempted to join the underworld in the nefarious business of ransom payments.

Therefore, there must be concerted efforts to tackle the emergence of armed terror-bandits, a conspiracy between terrorists and bandits not only in Katsina but elsewhere in Northern Nigeria.

I believe strongly that the government and the citizens should should evolve strategies in tackling the menace. They should address poor education, improper upbringing, drug addiction, joblessness, poor governance and above all weak intelligence gathering to help security services in tackling the worsening insecurity in Nigeria.

Yushuau A. Shuaib
www.YAShuaib.com

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It was a tactful foresight, the decision of President Muhammadu Buhari in appointing people from Borno State into strategic positions in government, especially in sensitive areas that could address the challenges of terrorism in the country.

Nigerians expected that the Boko Haram insurgency would be history within fours years, with the appointments of the late Abba Kyari as the Chief of Staff to the President; Major General Babagana Monguno (rtd.) as the National Security Adviser and Lt. General Tukur Buratai as the Chief of Army Staff, because they are all from Borno State, the epicentre of Boko Haram terrorism in Nigeria.

Yet, the seeming rivalry between these top officers from the same state is an open secret. It would be recalled that before his death from COVID-19, Abba-Kyari was at the centre of a leaked memo from the Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA), as well as the alleged redeployment of military personnel attached to Monguno’s office, on the order of Buratai.

Following the death of Abba-Kyari, one would have expected a smoother relationship between the brethren from Borno who are at the top of the Nigerian security architecture, especially in tackling the menace of terrorism and armed banditry, which not only impacts gravely on the situation in their home state but also that of the North and larger Nigeria.

The ONSA is statutorily empowered by the Terrorism Prevention Act 2011, to co-ordinate and support “all security, intelligence, law-enforcement agencies and military services to prevent and combat acts of terrorism in Nigeria.” On the other hand, the Nigerian Army by convention is the lead agency on counter-insurgency operations and other joint military operations involving the deployment of ground troops. Therefore, Monguno and Buratai have unique roles to play in ensuring safety, security and stability in Nigeria through a collaborative battle against criminal elements and other nefarious malefactors.

It was therefore not surprising that after spending two months with the troops in the North-East, the Chief of Army Staff, Lt. General Tukuru Buratai held a closed-door meeting with President Muhammadu Buhari and his Chief of Staff, Professor Ibrahim Gambari at the Presidential Villa on June 8.

Immediately after the meeting, Buratai told journalists that there have been “tremendous” achievements in the fight against the insurgents, and he expressed the hope that the security situation in the country would soon improve.

He said, “the troops are putting in their best and that has resulted in the tremendous successes we are recording. The fight is still ongoing and over 1,429 of this Boko Haram terrorists have been neutralised and we have arrested over 166 Boko Haram terrorist informants, their spies, couriers on logistics and their coordinators in the villages, the towns, and even the forest.”

Surprisingly, a few days later, over 80 people were killed, including soldiers and citizens, while hundreds got injured when the seemingly degraded Boko Haram terrorists invaded Gubio Village and Monguno, the hometown of the NSA in Borno.

Concerned about the unfortunate development, President Muhammadu Buhari had to quickly summon the Nigerian security chiefs to an emergency meeting on June 18.

Speaking on behalf of the President after the meeting, General Monguno castigated the service chiefs over their weak strategy and coordination in tackling insecurity. He also expressed displeasure at the lack of synergy amongst the security forces and charged them to work together in solving the security challenges.

Monguno stated that: “Mr President expressed great concern over the declining security situation in the country. He is extremely unhappy about what is happening and he feels that, even though the security agencies are doing their best, their best is not good enough for him and (he) wants an immediate reversal of the current trend and immediate reversal of our misfortunes in all their dimensions.”

In a similar interview in Hausa, Monguno specifically made a reference to one of the service chiefs as being ‘egocentric.’

Surprisingly, a few days later, a newly formed group, the Military Writers Society of Nigeria (MWSN), lashed out at Monguno over his attack on the service chiefs, especially the Army Chief, Lt. Gen. Buratai.

The group, led by one Dr. Abubakar Mohammed Sani from Borno State said that despite receiving billions of naira from the national treasury, many Nigerians still do not know what the NSA and his office have been doing to engage insurgents and terrorists, particularly through the identified carrot approach to bringing the present security challenges in the country to an end. It therefore asked Munguno to account for how security funds have been utilised under his stewardship, as this is barely impacting on resolving the security situation in Nigeria.

While one may question the rationale behind the NSA’s indictment of the service chiefs publicly, over a mission he is expected to coordinate, yet the seemingly sponsored attacks on him by those who appear to be supporters of the Army Chief are an addendum to the unnecessary distractions to the ongoing war on terrorism.

It is quite painful that while the blame-game went on unabated, Boko Haram fighters allegedly abducted some women and girls in a village in Biu Local Government Area, which is a mere stone’s throw from Buratai’s natal town. A day later the terrorists killed 9 soldiers in another attack on a military convoy on Damboa-Maiduguri highway

Despite the foregoing, the war on terror requires the sort of inter-agency collaboration that would ensure the effective formulation and implementation of comprehensive security and counter-terrorism strategies to address the protracted crisis.

Just as I clamoured in one of my recent articles, and for the sake of emphasis, towards addressing the seemingly intractable rivalry, the NSA and Service Chiefs need to devise a strategy that would involve the burying of their various differences and evolving a new collaborative security effort in the national interest, going forward. This is a period in which we need all hands on deck and to guard against unnecessary bickering within the security enforcement community.

In strategic communication, golden silence is apt, when actions become louder than words. Equally, credible bodies are better third-party endorsers, other than the recourse to charlatans parading as media consultants who merely aggravate a crisis.

Yushau A. Shuaib
Publisher PRNigeria and Author of Crisis Communication Strategies
yashuaib@yahoo.com

The post Persistent Insecurity: Monguno, Buratai and Inter-Agency Dilemma appeared first on YAShuaib.

“My namesake, I commend your relentless counterinsurgency media campaigns against our enemies, on a pro bono basis without a penny from the military. Please sustain the tempo.” – General Yushau Abubakar

General Buratai, the above message was sent to me by the first Commander of Operation Lafiya Dole, Major General Yushau Mahmood Abubakar, when he was redeployed to the Nigerian Army Headquarters as the Chief of Training and Operation in January 2016. He later died in a very mysterious accident along Damaturu-Maiduguri road two months later in March 2016. It is one of several goodwill messages receive from top military officers and soldiers. I must also appreciate your goodwill message too when I voluntarily retired from the public service last year.

As you are aware, this is not the first open letter to you or article that I have written about you and the Nigerian Army under your watch (https://cutt.ly/burataimemo). I am writing presently to draw your attention to the highly libelous and defamatory rejoinder written about me by one Terrence Kuanum, who is allegedly working as a contractor/activist for and supported by the Nigerian Army.

In his over 3000 words-long defamatory piece, reveling in insidiously false claims, Mr. Terrence labeled me a Boko Haram supporter, ISWAP propagandist and that I was on the payroll of terrorists, while offering his distorted and apparently suborned response to my recent Memo to President Buhari on the Service Chiefs.

In that Memo, I had argued on the need for the present service chiefs to be let go when the ovation is still audible, and after giving the best of their skills to the nation, while also allowing for a smooth progression in service through the promotion of other competent military officers to the Next Level. My argument was anchored on the necessity of enabling a new cadre of officers and set of competencies to come through in the national security architecture, if the war on terror in the country must be won.

Yet, President Buhari has the right to decide otherwise, since he has signed the revised, though restricted, document on the Harmonized Terms and Conditions of Service for Nigerian Armed Forces Officer (HTACOS) in 2018, which now includes a provision stating that: “Notwithstanding (retirement age or expiry of tenure), the President, C-in-C reserves the prerogative to extend the tenure of CDS/Service Chief irrespective of his age or length of Service.”

From available records and an Internet search, the activities and statements of the said Terrence revolve around his membership of a so-called Global Amnesty International Network, a National Coalition Against Terrorism, an obscure website known as Television Nigeria (TVN) and other shadowy groups to support the Nigerian Army.

Surprisingly, in his deliberate effort to incite the military and the victims of terrorists against me, on the basis of false accusations, Terrence compromised the websites of highly credible, as well as notoriously incredible media platforms, by planting his offensive article, mostly without the knowledge of the publishers and editors of some of these platforms. Subsequently, about 15 of these media have had to delete the highly libellous content from their websites, while offering their profound apologies.

Considering the gravity of the false accusations and information that he has been sharing, coupled with the criminality of spreading fake news and hate speech, through the breaching of the standards of a number of media platforms, I have since petitioned security and intelligence agencies, including the Police, National Intelligence Agency (NIA) and the Department for State Services (DSS) to investigate these allegations and the motive behind the malicious attacks I have been subjected to. I have also provided these agencies with the details of the web links and screenshots of the websites on which this defamatory information has been circulated.

Surprisingly, more than two weeks after my petition, Terrence seems untouchable, as the security agencies have not been able to take any action on him, even as he has had the audacity to publicly launch a book in Abuja last week, where he blamed the victims of terror for being their own nemesis.

I feel disappointed that after serving critical institutions in Nigeria, the system appears not able or willing to protect one from malicious, inciteful and false allegations that could possibly lead to the loss of one’s life. Yet, only recently, security personnel arrested the young Editor of an online medium, the Webmaster of this medium, alongside one of its reporters, and arraigned them in court in another state over a harmless investigative report against drug addiction that was carried out. How come drawing attention to the sinister motivation behind such a grave matter as the false allegation of Boko Haram membership, which could possibly subject one to lynching, is being treated with levity?

General Buratai, sir, since your appointment as Chief of Army Staff, after your sojourn as the Commander of the Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF) in Chad Republic in 2015, I and my organisation have reported the activities of the Nigerian Army at no single cost to the Nigerian Army till date.

When the alleged Dubai property of your family went viral, our platform, PRNigeria provided the other necessary perspective on the issue to the Nigerian public, on the basis of the information and documents provided to us by your associates and a presidential spokesperson. (https://cutt.ly/burataidubai)

During the Shiite-Army fracas in December 2015, our medium, in close liaison with your spokesperson, became the major source of syndication of news and videos of your appeal to the protesters before the situation went awry a few days later (https://cutt.ly/buratai).

We have also provided credible intelligence and engaged in and supported strategic media censorship for the protection of national security. These are facts that your respective spokespersons and spy chiefs can easily attest to pertaining to our professional integrity and ethical practice.

It, therefore, beats my imagination that a fellow associated with, patronized and allegedly funded by the Army could be allowed to disparage my reputation to no consequence till date.

My appeal to you as the Chief of Army Staff is to be wary of those who may be dropping your name or that of the military to engage in silly activities and criminal offences.

I also urge the security services to be fair and just in protecting and treating Nigerians equally before the law, especially on cases involved heavy cybercrime offences.

I trust that your sense of professionalism and reasonable conduct would make you investigate and call those behind this unfortunate situation to order. Thank you.

Yushau A. Shuaib
Founder PRNigeria and Author of An Encounter with the Spymaster

The post Memo to General Buratai on Alleged Army Consultants appeared first on YAShuaib.

Dear President Muhammadu Buhari,

This open letter was actually intended to be an appeal to the service chiefs to turn up their letters of voluntary retirement after they have served their mandatory two-year tenures, and another two years of extension, which expired last year.

Since their stay in office is at the discretion of the President and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, I have rather decided to write this memo, appealing to you in the spirit of fairness, standard procedure and progression in the service, to allow the longest-serving service chiefs go after exceeding their run-out dates (ROD), which is the mandatory 35 years of military service, and the additional discretionary extension, which is generally time-bound.

As you are aware Mr. President, the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS), General Gabriel Abayomi Olonisakin from Ekiti was born on December 2, 1961. He enrolled at the Nigerian Military School, Zaria in 1973 and later joined the Nigerian Defence Academy (NDA) as a member of the 25th Regular Course. He was commissioned as a Second Lieutenant in 1981.

The Chief of Naval Staff (CNS), Vice Admiral Ibok Ete-Ibas from Cross River, was born on September 27, 1960. He enlisted into the NDA as a member of 26th Regular Course on June 20, 1979 and was commissioned a sub-lieutenant on January 1, 1983.

Chief of Air Staff (CAS), Air Marshal Sadique Abubakar from Bauchi was born on April 8, 1960 in Azare, Bauchi State. He joined the Nigerian Air Force as a member of the Cadet Military Training Course (CMTC 5) in November 1979.

The Chief of Army Staff (COAS), Lt. Gen Tukur Buratai from Borno was born on November 24, 1960. In January 1981, he attended the NDA as a member of the 29th Regular Course (29 RC). He was commissioned as a Second Lieutenant on December 17, 1983.

Meanwhile, the most senior military officer, besides the service chiefs, is Lieutenant General Lamidi Adeosun from Osun, who was born on August 22, 1963 and enrolled into the Army on July 4, 1983. He has also clocked 35 years in the service.

As you may be aware Mr. President, apart from attaining the ROD, the tenures of the defence and service chiefs have since expired, going by the revised Armed Forces of Nigeria Harmonised Terms and Conditions of Service (HTACOS) for officers.

In Section 09.08 of the said HTACOS, which is the authoritative and official service order in the military, it is stated that, “An officer appointed to the substantive appointment of the Chief of Defence Staff, Chief of Army Staff, Chief of Naval Staff and the Chief of Air Staff will hold the appointment for a continuous period of two years. The appointment could be extended for another two years from the date of expiration of the initial two-year period.”

The service chiefs were first appointed in July 2015 and their tenures were extended for an additional two years in 2017, which finally expired in 2019. It has always been the standard practice, since the return of democratic governance to Nigeria in 1999, for service chiefs to be in office for a maximum term of two years, except on a few occasions of discretionary extension by Mr. President, after which replacements are made.

The retention of the chiefs stagnates the careers of other senior officers and induces unfair early mature retirements, in the absence of vacancies at the topmost echelons of the services.

As in the practice in the past, the exit of a service chief automatically impels the departure of their course mates from the service, such that officers who are next in seniority, such as the chiefs of various corps and departments at the service headquarters; general officers commanding; commandants; brigade commanders; and directors then experience an upward movement in their careers.

As it is now, at least five sets, and generations of regular course (RC) members, including those in the 27th, 28th, 29th, 30th, 31st, 32nd and 33rd courses, with the exception of Lt. General Adeosun, have left the service without any of them attaining the highest military positions in their various services. There is likelihood that those of the 33rd and 34th courses may also not have the privilege of producing a service chief among them if this trend continues. With limited vacancy, only a few officers can be promoted, while several other brilliant officers would be forced to go on retirement.

Meanwhile, after staying for more than four years, with adequate resources provided to the military chiefs for procurements, recruitments and the training of personnel, they have performed to the best of their abilities, yet recent developments call for more strategic thinking, fresh ideas and a change in the administration and style of managing generations of military talents.

The international community has been raising concerns about disturbing trends from the end of last year into the beginning of the new year (2020) pertaining to the steady reversal in the fortunes of our troops in the hands of terrorists.

The European Parliament, the legislative branch of the European Union (EU), observed that there has not been any significant progress in the fight against the Boko Haram and ISWAP terrorists. The Parliament, in its resolution of January 16, 2020, remarked that the security situation in Nigeria has deteriorated significantly, with insurgents turning the Maiduguri-Damaturu and surrounding routes into an extended death zone.

In the same vein, the United Nations (UN) had expressed outrage over the scale and intensity of the attacks carried out by the suspected insurgents against its facilities and other targets in parts of North-East Nigeria. The UN Humanitarian Coordinator in Nigeria, Mr. Edward Kallon strongly condemned attacks on its humanitarian hub.

There is also the alarming Global Terrorism Index of the Institute for Economics and Peace (IEP), which ranked Nigeria as the third country with the highest level of terrorist activity in 2019, after Iran and Afghanistan.

Some of these reports are not only distressing in terms of the upsurge in the insurgency but have been very embarrassing, as terrorists are not only going for soft targets but staging ambushes against our gallant troops while attacking military facilities. In some instances, civilians, as well as soldiers, have been either abducted or killed by the cowardly but deadly terrorists.

In other climes, including Mali, Burkina Faso, Chad and the Niger Republic, such incidents usually necessitate the replacement of service chiefs under whose leadership there are repeat assaults and losses of lives of troops in the hands of terrorists.

While I believe the service chiefs have good intentions and have done their best, I suggest they leave when the ovations are loudest and in order to allow fresh ideas to come into the management of our national security, whilst encouraging progression and the promotion of deserving officers in the armed forces. This will also inspire in a coming generation of officers, the hope of their finding ultimate career fulfilment in the armed forces, after decades of sacrifice.

The President can even promote any one of the military chiefs to the position of Chief of Defence Staff since the current CDS has remained the most senior and older officer in the military in the last four years.

Yushau A. Shuaib
Founder PRNigeria and Author “An Encounter with the Spymaster”
yashuaib@yahoo.com

The post Boko Haram: Memo to President Buhari on Service Chiefs appeared first on YAShuaib.

When Major General Bashir Magashi (rtd.) was announced as a ministerial nominee, I reached out to the former Commissioner for Information and Finance in Kano State, Mallam Garba Yusuf, for an insight into the capabilities of the retired military officer.

I was aware that Magashi had led a 12-man high-powered reconciliation committee of the ruling party in the state, of which Garba Yusuf was a member, which ensured the amicable reconciliation of aggrieved politicians in the State, within the shortest possible time, before the last general elections.

Garba Yusuf said: “General Magashi, as an experienced lawyer, not only meticulously handled the delicate reconciliation process, but through his strategic interventions and guidance, the State witnessed peace and tranquillity after the elections.”

A few weeks later, Mallam Garba drew my attention to the live transmission of the ministerial screening of General Magashi on national television.

A former military governor of Sokoto State during the regime of Ibrahim Babangida and member of the Provisional Ruling Council (PRC) during the Sani Abacha’s regime, General Magashi spoke eloquently and with confidence, while responding to the queries of the federal legislators.

Whilst discussing insecurity in Nigeria, Magashi insisted that infighting among Nigerian service chiefs was affecting the war against insurgency and analogous efforts against other forms of insecurity.

A former Commander of the elite Brigade of Guards in Abuja and erstwhile General Officer Commanding (GOC) the strategic 2 Mechanised Division in Ibadan, Magashi berated the non-cooperation among the service chiefs, as each of them sought to individually appear to his Commander-In-Chief, and the country, as the most conscientious in his remit. He added that the current military command structure is not a true reflection of what should be obtainable in the services and advocated for the restructuring of the armed forces.

Magashi gave an example of his experience as Commander of the ECOWAS Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) during the Liberian civil war, where he ensured cohesion of all the services maintaining peace, including the police and paramilitary agencies, at that time.

“In an ideal situation where I served as an ECOMOG commander, it was a single unit that was overseeing the needs, aspirations, (and) welfare of our troops in combat zones. In Nigeria today, what we call (the) command structure is now being seen as weakness. We only have divisions probably by name, but I do not think we have the required manpower to man them,” he said

His tour of military formations in the North-East, in his first outing as Defence Minister, was quite impressive. And, some of his statements were quite encouraging and motivational to the troops, as they inspired and admonished them to redouble their efforts in the counter-insurgency operations.

Yet, it was shocking that General Magashi, a retired military intelligence officer and a lawyer, could make a controversial statement during his tour, when he claimed that 22 local government councils in Borno State have been liberated from the grip of insurgency since the inception of President Buhari’s administration on May 29, 2015. Possibly aware of the implication of making such an unfounded claim, he refrained from mentioning the specifics of the so-called rescued local councils.

In my book “Boko Haram Media War: An Encounter with the Spymaster,” I have provided the details, timelines and manners in which more than 25 towns were liberated from the grip of terrorism during the former Goodluck Jonathan administration.

In one of the chapters, I stated that: “At the twilight of Jonathan’s administration when Sambo Dasuki was the National Security Adviser, dozens of towns and cities in Adamawa, Borno and Yobe states were recovered and confirmed with video and pictorial evidence through military press releases.

“Some of the liberated towns include, but (are) not limited to: Abadam, Askira, Baga, Bama, Bara, Buni Yadi, Damboa, Dikwa, Gamboru-Ngala, Goniri, Gujba, Gulag, Gulani, Gwoza, Hong, Kala Balge, Konduga, Kukawa, Marte, Madagali, Michika, Monguno, Mubi, Vimtim, among other communities with pictorial and video evidences provided by the Defence Headquarters.

“In one day alone, April 30, 2015, at least 234 abductees (Women and Children) were rescued by the military, who had stormed sections of the Sambisa Forest.

“A clear testimony to some of the accomplishments was the official DHQ release dated March 16, 2015, with reference No: DHQ/ABJ/901/32/DDI and titled: ‘Troops Finally Rout Terrorists from Bama and Last Stronghold in Yobe.’” That was before the coming of the present administration.

It is necessary to point to the new Defence Minister that he should always seek credible and trustworthy intelligence on the realities on the ground before making claims, and more importantly in finding a more lasting solution to the menace of Boko Haram.

The public commentary of Governor Zulum of Borno State, the open letter to President Buhari by Zanna Boguma of Borno, Alhaji Hassan Zanna and media reports on the current situation in the North-East, merely suggest the urgent need for a truly pragmatic approach to winning the war on terrorism in the country.

President Muhammadu Buhari must be commended for deploying huge resources to the security sector, which has enabled the massive recruitment of personnel, acquisition of sophisticated equipment and the upgrade of infrastructure that have been crucial requirements, even though something essential is still missing.

I strongly believe that the current service chiefs, who were top military officers in the previous Jonathan administration, know the strategies deployed between January and May 2015, in the defeat of Boko Haram and recovery of the aforementioned towns. The traditional and political leaders in that axis are also aware of this too. Not every action of the past can be jettisoned, especially when it has to do with the lives of our troops and citizens.

Yushau A. Shuaib
Author of An Encounter with the Spymaster
yashuaib@yahoo.com

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Every time I have reason to travel to Maiduguri for an assignment, my family members become prayer warriors, and clarifications are sought around my dreams at such periods to check for what might be portents, while safety measures are devised against any possible untoward development.

As the birthplace of Boko Haram, Borno State is mostly associated with media tales of abandoned orphans, homeless widows, suffering internally displaced persons (IDPs), heartless suicide bombers and brutal terrorists etc.

Since my itinerary in the State usually revolves around humanitarian engagements, adequate security is routinely provided throughout my stay by the respective federal agencies that are my hosts.

Professor Zulum and Senator Kashim Shettima

In all the tours, I never paid much attention to the programmes and activities of the Borno State government. Like the proverbial bandwagon effect, I occasionally joined others in expressing deep resentments against State officials, traditional institutions and the political elite for doing little to curtail the excesses of the terrorists rampaging across the State.

Attempts by Isa Gusau, the spokesperson to Governor Kashim Shettima to convince some cynics like me with images and videos of positive strides being made in the State frequently met brick walls because we generally have a feeling that with technology, anything can be manipulated.

Therefore, when I received an invitation for a media tour of the State a few days to the commencement of the Ramadan fasting, I accepted the offer, even as I didn’t have any nightmare at the period that required dream interpreters. As usual, my prayer warriors conducted a special prayer for my safety on this more recent trip to Maiduguri.

I was delighted to meet some renowned newspaper columnists on the tour, including Mallam Mahmud Jega of Daily Trust, Mike Awoyinfa of The Sun, Sam Omatseye of The Nation and Zainab Suleiman Okino of Blueprint, among others.

Borno Boarding Primary School

Rather than being escorted and protected by fully armed bodyguards in armoured vehicles, we were received by Governor Shettima, who personally drove the lead car for the media tour of various projects and facilities in the State, without the use of sirens. A few state officials also accompanied us on the tour.

The first ports of call were the state-of-the-art primary schools newly built by the Borno State government, where the Commissioner of Education, Musa Inuwa Kubo took us round air-conditioned classrooms. The beautiful furniture there were locally produced in Maiduguri, even if the digitalised teaching boards and modern gadgets were unavoidably imported. The schools have fine libraries, expansive dining halls and roomy dormitories. I pinched my cheeks harder to reassure myself I wasn’t daydreaming in fantasy when we entered a spacious Disneyland-like playground.

Borno Secondary School

We also inspected mega secondary schools with exquisite boarding facilities, infrastructure and sports arena. The newly constructed Borno State University is another world on its own, which is better than most newly established universities in terms of space, its physical ambience and buildings, and a conducive learning environment. The campus is slated to commence operation soon with the recent engagement of its principal officers.

Again, Shettima, who is equally the Senator-elect for Borno Central, led us to the newly established Industrial Park on the outskirt of Maiduguri, where the manager of the facility, Engineer Ibrahim Ali, informed us about the 16 tightly knit plants there, which have machinery for solar panel production, with the capacity to generate 120 megawatts of electricity. There are also plants in the Park for crop dehydration, and the production of PVC pipes, canopy-yarn, laminated sacks, plastic mats, school desks and chairs.

Borno Solar Panel Production Plant

In our presence, plastic tables and chairs were produced, some of which I sat on with the fullness of my weight in order to test their strength, and quite impressively they were as solid as the rock of Gibraltar.

In the Industrial Park, there are also plants for processing cassava and tomato, biscuit making, and the extraction of assorted juice, among other plants whose raw materials are produced locally in the State. In fact, there is a plastic-roofed greenhouse near the park where two types of tomatoes are farmed. There, I plucked and munched on some of the ripe tomatoes to ensure they were not plastic ones.

Borno Primary School with locally produced furniture

We were all amazed at the immense scale and beauty of the residential estates built by Governor Shettima. Most of the buildings are duplex apartments, flats, and bungalows. One may not likely have the fear of Boko Haram, If only one could be able to live in any of the glamorous estates in the serene environment!

While thrilled at the amazing discoveries, we could hardly feel the intensity of the over 40 degree Celsius sun, when the Governor swiveled his saloon car towards to the Borno Specialist Hospital. There, we were received by the State Health Commissioner, Dr. Salisu Kwayabura, who conducted us round the medical facility that offers the latest in high-tech medical care and advanced imaging services, such as latest mammogram, Magnetic Resonance Imaging (MRI) and echocardiogram equipment for the early detection of cancer in the human body.

Borno Medical Facility

There are also sophisticated Computer Tomography (CT) scanners that features “intraoperative teleconferencing technology”. Some of the new equipment in the facility are rare or very few in the West African region. The multi-disciplinary medical services on offer at the Borno Specialist Hospital, which feature cutting-edge tools that are fully digital and Internet-enabled, are designed to manage the data of patients electronically, in a completely paperless manner.

The hospital’s ultramodern kidney dialysis centre has the capacity to handle more than 40 patients, while the Intensive Care Unit and the theatre are fitted with facilities for neurosurgery and other advanced procedures from General Electric (GE), including the 4D ultrasound (Voluson E10) scanning machine for finer clinical details and diagnosis.

Borno Hospital Ward

While I didn’t pray to fall sick during the visit, yet I felt like I could be very easily diagnosed and treated in this five-star, technologically advanced medical facility in Maiduguri for any future ailment or sickness. It is simply so cozy and soothing as a place of medical care.

I wondered how contractors, engineers, technicians, suppliers and other labourers were able to successfully deliver on the projects in the State considering the existence of Boko Haram terrorists and political insurgents in contiguous area, who could have wreaked havoc on them to make a strong statement?

After over six hours of tours, Governor Shettima led us to the Government House for a dinner with the incoming governor, Professor Babagana Umara Zulum.

Borno Housing Estate

When I was asked to speak on behalf of the senior media practitioners present, I commended the governor for personally taking us round on the inspection tour of the beautiful structures and highly sophisticated facilities his administration had remarkably put together without any armed bodyguard or the use of sirens. I nevertheless expressed my fear about the management of the huge projects, both in terms of their maintenance and the quality of personnel to be hired to man them. I then asked: “Would these projects boost the internally generated revenue (IGR) of the State?”

Governor Shettima’s response was apt. He said: “My tenure will expire in about a month… What gives me so much joy is that the structure, infrastructure and the facilities we put in place will be adequately maintained and improved upon, because we are privileged to have Professor Babagana Umara Zulum as my successor. And this is because he has demonstrated a consistent passion for our dearest Borno.

“Professor Zulum is head and shoulder above me in intellect, competence, compassion, and integrity. He has demonstrated those qualities, especially with his tremendous sacrifice and the risk he took as the Commissioner of Reconstruction and Rehabilitation in addressing the plight of the distressed and displaced people in the State.”

Borno Nursery School

Governor Kashim Shettima, a humble person, is quite an erudite intellectual with brilliant and remarkable ideas on governance, politics, and social development. His outstanding legacies in revolutionising the key sectors in Borno State, despite a debilitating insurgency, shall remain indelible in the minds of the people, and in history.

After the dinner, I couldn’t help but contemplate what could be the nature of the future relationship between the outgoing and incoming administrations in the State. That is, beyond their apparently pleasant rapport at this time, would the mutually supportive relationship between Senator-elect Shettima and Professor Zulum endure after their different inaugurations or take a frosty turn like the known cases of the Kwankwaso-Ganduje saga and the Tinubu-Ambode imbroglio? Or the Orji Kalu-Theodore Orji clash, the Goje-Dankwambo rivalry, the Attah-Akpabio conflict or even the Akume-Suswan fiasco, among other similar incidents between political godfathers and their godsons?

Someone tells me that theirs will be a perfect example of non-interference but mutual encouragement in their respective constitutional mandates. I fervently pray that this is so.

Yushau A. Shuaib
Author ‘An Encounter with the Spymaster’
Publisher, PRNigeria
www.YAShuaib.com

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Dear General Buratai,

I thank you for inviting media executives and public relations practitioners, through the Deputy President, Nigerian Guild of Editors, Mallam Suleiman Gaya for the interactive dialogue held in Maiduguri last December, 2018. The event was friendly, frank and sincere, towards evolving stakeholders’ engagement and enhancing military-media relations.

However, a few days after the well-attended engagement, the Nigeria Army declared an activist, Dr. Perry Brimah wanted over alleged fundraising for troops. The military also subsequently invaded the offices of leading national newspaper, Daily Trust and arrested some of its journalists over an ‘exclusive’ report it had recently published on the counter-insurgency strategy of the Nigerian Army.

I must tell you frankly that these incidences were worrisome and portend a huge minus to the desired mutual military-media relations being striven towards.

It might interest the Army, Sir, to note that similar media indiscretions during the previous administration of Dr. Goodluck Jonathan were well-managed when news editors were inundated with confidential information in the name of exclusive reports.

For instance, on the evening of Friday, February 13, 2015, almost four years ago, there was intelligence about a sensitive news story that had been filed to the headquarters of Daily Trust in Abuja by Hamza Idris, a war reporter who doubled as the Bureau Chief of the paper in Borno State, and is currently a political editor.

The filed story coincided with the commencement of ruthless military operations in which many Boko Haram terrorists attempting to over-run Maiduguri were eliminated. The Nigerian Air Force had then intensified aerial bombardments of the dreaded Sambisa Forest, leading to the recovery of the towns of Monguno, Marte and others from the terrorists. President Goodluck Jonathan was billed to fly in an airforce helicopter to the liberated towns of Baga, Mubi and others.

At the time, I was assigned by the Security Service to ensure that a sensitive aspect of the filed story concerning special forces was not published. For several hours and into the midnight of that Friday, I was in touch with the Defence Correspondent, Ronald Mutum; the North-East Bureau Chief, Hamza Idris; Daily Editor, Nasir Lawal; and Saturday Editor, Abdulkarim Baba-Aminu appealing to and finally convincing them of the implications of disclosing such sensitive part of the story to the public.

Lucky enough, in the newspaper published the following day, the sensitive portion of the cover story, which was subject of concern, had been expunged. Dozens of towns were later recovered and President Jonathan flew into Baga, Mubi and other liberated towns to felicitate with the gallant troops. That was when Jonathan honoured the late Lt Col. Abu Ali for his military prowess and valour.

General Buratai, sir, there were several instances in which the Nigerian media demonstrated excessive patriotism in protecting national security. During that period, Femi Adesina, who was President of Nigerian Guild of Editors and General Chris Olukolade, the Defence Spokesperson ensured that the security services put news editors in confidence about major operations and the media were very supportive treating highly classified information with the delicateness it required. And, those editorial gestures were at NO COST to the government.

Sir, you may be surprised to note that some of the harshest critics of the military during the Jonathan administration were mostly strong supporters of General Buhari’s candidacy for president. They included media practitioner, Omoyele Sowore of Sahara Reporters, civil society actors like Dr. Ahmed Idris of Citizens United for Peace and Stability (CUPS) and Dr. Issa Perry Brimah of Every Nigerian Do Something (ENDS), among others. Then, the security services tolerated the excesses of critics of the administration to some extent, as some of their outbursts were borne of genuine concerns, which also influenced positive social change and the upgrading of security tactics and strategies.

Meanwhile, on your assumption of office, critics gave the service chiefs breathing space for sometime before resuming their ‘constructive engagements’, not necessarily of the military per se but of you as Chief of Army Staff, after the Zaria Shi’ite massacre and the Dubai property imbroglio.

Surprisingly, some of these persons, who are my good friends, bore me bitter for founding PRNigeria as a platform for alternative narratives on the performance of the military as an institution. Although public relations is a legitimate and profitable communications business, they fail to realise that since the appointment of the current National Security Adviser, Babagana Monguno and service chiefs, the Media/PR outfit has never been paid a kobo for managing the reputation of the security agencies and promoting their activities. Yets, PRNigeria takes solace in the fact that we have unfettered access to very top officers and security spokespersons for credible, reliable and timely information in its work.

General sir, you need to establish a better rapport and engage with the media and other critical stakeholders closely, for them to appreciate your efforts as the Chief of Army Staff. Some of them even lack basic information about much of your past accomplishments in commanding troops and in the communities you served. They may have forgotten that as JTF Commander, you stabilised the Niger Delta region, having wrested it from the scourge of armed militancy; that as the Commandant, Nigerian Army School of Infantry, not only did you train cadets on guerrilla war tactics and counter-insurgency manoeuvres, you also endeared yourself to the troops before their eventual deployment as the first special forces to fight Boko Haram in the North-East. Your brief stint as the first Force Commander of the rejuvenated Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF), after the recovery of over two-dozen towns from the terrorists, further consolidated our military gains and sustained relationship with neighbours. Your hardline stance and no-nonsense approach to acts of terrorism, even while sustaining the personal losses of your country home in Buratai being burnt and security guard killed by Boko Haram.

The recent altercation of the Nigeria Army and the media is not the first in your tenure as Chief of Army Staff (COAS). You may recall that after the arrest of the publishers of Sahara Reporters and Premium Times in February 2017, I wrote an article titled, “Self-censorship and Security Report”, through which I cautioned that as a service chief you should be wary of busy-body consultants and lawyers who may wish to profit from the misunderstanding between the military and the media by instigating the taking of irrational steps. Like I pointed out there, “No one fights the press publicly, especially the credible media, in attempt to enforce censorship, not self-censorship, and gets away with it unscathed.”

In a nutshell, my dear General, the most recent military siege on the media could be well-managed if we consider the sacrifice and risk being taken by editors who have unfettered access to citizens and troops in embattled communities, with information at their disposal on some unpleasant developments in the North-East. They nevertheless remain steadfast and supportive, with fair and occasional self-imposed censorship in their reportage to protect the integrity of the Nigerian security system.

Much of the security challenges that have come up are associated with misinformation, disinformation and the lack of credible intelligence. While the military can claim to have strong weapons, with their guns and bombs, the media actually possesses stronger weapons, with their pens and keyboards, in changing mindsets, engaging in psychological warfare, strengthening the fighting spirit of troops, boosting the confidence of citizens and weakening the morale of terrorists.

Sir, I dare urge that constructive engagement in information management is very essential at this crucial period our dear General, and the soldiers’ soldier.

Once again, I thank you for the last invitation as I wish you a more rewarding New Year and better-managed relationship with all the critical stakeholders in the Nigerian security system, and its administration.

Yushau A. Shuaib
Author, An Encounter with the Spymaster
Recipient of SABRE African Public Relations Award
and International Public Relations Award (IPRA) on Crisis Management

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Dear Colonel Sambo Dasuki (rtd.),

As you spend your third year in illegal detention since December 2015, I am using this memo to intimate you about the brutal assassination of former Chief of Defence Staff, Air Chief Alex Badeh by gunmen along the Keffi-Abuja Highway. He was expected to open his defence next month January 16, 2019 in the trial of alleged criminal breach of trust.

You will recall your chance meeting with Badeh at the Federal High Court when you appeared to testify in Olisah Metuh’s case before Justice Okon Abang. You may also recall my exchange with the late Badeh, when I challenged him for not talking to the press about his achievements while in office. He retorted about how a section of the media had quoted him out of context and misrepresented the content of his valedictory speech, pertaining to his stewardship as Chief of Air Staff and Chief of Defence Staff, in 2015.

You may further vividly recall his statement on using the opportunity of his defence in court to provide facts, figures and material evidence on the military acquisitions, sophisticated training of troops and the success of counter-insurgency operations, as carried out during the tenure of former President Goodluck Jonathan.

We sympathized with him when he bitterly lamented that his family was being humiliated and persecuted, while his assets had been confiscated, bank accounts frozen, pilot flying license blacklisted, pension blocked, and how he was being criminalized through the deliberate malicious campaign of the current government, despite his meritorious service to the nation.

Unfortunately, many Nigerians are not aware that, Badeh, a son of a peasant farmer, was commissioned a pilot in 1979 and had flown many Head of States, including former UN scribe, Kofi Annan, Presidents Bill Clinton and Jimmy Carter, after comprehensive checks on his competence and integrity by intelligence service agents.

As Chief of Air Staff, Badeh initiated the programme on Optimising Local Engineering (OLE) to focus on developing indigenous Unarmed Aerial Vehicle (UAV) and other weapon systems for his fatherland. And, his initiatives had resulted in the first locally produced drone in Nigeria under AMEBO project, known as GULMA, which allowed the Air Force to survey and carry out attacks against criminal elements and terrorists remotely, without putting the lives of pilots at risk. He also initiated and completed the NAF hangar in Yola Airport and other infrastructure, while paying keen attention to improving staff welfare. In fact, he ensured all personnel who had kids in the Air Force primary and secondary schools got free tuitions.

As the CDS, Badeh completed the Armed Forces DNA Laboratory and constructed the Defence Headquarters (DHQ) extension complex fitted with a sophisticated joint operations room. He also established the Armed Forces Radio Broadcasting Station and Defence Space Agency (now known as the Defence Space Administration (DSA), apart from commissioning several gun boats in the Niger Delta region.

On counter-insurgency campaigns, he was one of the arrow-heads in the formation and adequate funding of the Multi-National Joint Task Force (MNJTF) through the Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA), when our neighbours were reluctant in fighting the scourge of Boko Haram. He was also instrumental in strategies of saving the lives of our pilots and preventing the crash of fighter aircrafts in the North-East, due to inexperienced pilots engaged in guerrilla warfare.

In fact, in collaboration with your office as NSA, Badeh devised the strategies of deploying the services of highly skilled and experienced foreign technical advisers who some refer to as ‘professional mercenaries’ to help with air operations, while Nigerian troops complete the ground operations in eliminating Boko Haram terrorists.

Before the handover to President Muhammadu Buhari in May 2015, there was incontrovertible evidence of several towns that had been liberated from Boko Haram terrorists, including Abadam, Askira, Baga, Bama, Bara, Buni Yadi, Damboa, Dikwa, Gamboru-Ngala, Goniri, Gujba, Gulag, Gulani, and Gwoza. Also, Hong, Kala Balge, Konduga, Kukawa, Marte, Madagali, Michika, Monguno, Mubi, Vimtim, among others.

The late CDS Badeh was billed to open his defence on January 16, 2019 before Justice Abang, but the unfortunate swiftness of untimely death could not make this a reality. We are aware that he intended to use the occasion to list the concrete achievements of the previous administration in military acquisitions, the training of staffs, and how some top classified operations were undertaken in the national and security interests.

I am very sure the late Alex Badeh would have used the opportunity of his defence to expose the hypocrisy of the AVM Jon Ode-led Presidential Arms Panel, whose members were involved in the illegal extortion of officers under probe. It was the Department of State Security Services (DSS) that painstakingly and courageously raided the residence of a member of the same probe panel, where illegal firearms, exotic automobiles, foreign and local currencies were recovered.

Before the Jon-ode probe panel was abruptly disbanded by the government, it only succeeded in shamelessly exposing the Nigerian Air Force (NAF) to public ridicule by portraying former Air Force chiefs (Umar Dikko, Badeh, Amosu etc) as being the most corrupt on the basis of frivolous and baseless allegations. In fact, AVM Alkali Mamu, who was prematurely retired on the basis of similar baseless indictments by the panel, has been vindicated by a court, with his innocence affirmed. The composition of that probe panel only served the narrow, mean and self-serving agenda of vested interests, which sought to rubbish the integrity of military and intelligence services by their assignment.

Not minding the fact that some appointments were not merited, President Buhari can be applauded for some of his foresight on sensitive assignments that require adequate intelligence gathering.. For instance, the appointment of Army Chief Gen. Tukuru Buratai, the National Security Adviser, Mohammed Monguno and anti-corruption boss, Ibrahim Magu, all from Borno State, can be considered as desirable in engaging the required intelligence people, in a State that is war-stricken by acts of terrorism. Even, though the terrorists are still operating in that axis despite these deliberate appointments, some searchlight should be beamed on the recent setback whereby several troops were ambushed and eliminated in that region.

I should not end this memo without appreciating the opportunity you gave me after I was prematurely retired from public service over my article against nepotism, when Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala was Finance Minister. As the National Security Adviser, you appointed me to render services to this country as a crisis communication consultant to security agencies. Undoubtedly, the professional interventions have fetched our organisation, PRNigeria continental and global PR awards and recognition on crisis management despite lack of patronages from the current system. I will forever remain grateful for that opportunity.

Meanwhile, it may interest you to note that a short while back, an industrial court ordered my reinstatement into the service and the payment of my remuneration for the last five years while I was on malicious retirement. Surprisingly, I also recently discovered that the Information Minister, Alhaji Lai Mohammed, who I had initially thought was against my reinstatement, was actually the one who instructed the Ministry on several occasions since last year to obey the order of the court on my reinstatement.

I pray the larger administration of President Muhammadu Buhari would emulate Mr. Lai Mohammed in instructing your release from detention, since at least six courts of competent jurisdiction have given the orders, even though the judges have not been courageous enough to enforce their judgements.

If President Buhari could not consider your relationship with him before you joined the Jonathan administration, he should consider the situation you met on the ground when you were appointed NSA in June 2012 and what it had become by the time you left the office in July 2015 when terrorists could not disrupt the national election.

I also wish you Happy Birthday, the third in illegal detention. And a Happy New Year in advance.

Yushau A. Shuaib
Author, An Encounter with the Spymaster
www.YAShuaib.com
yashuaib@yahoo.com

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