By Yushau A. Shuaib

Ahmed Balarabe Saids new book Arent We All PR People? is one of those rare works that immediately announce themselves as more than textbooks. It is a field guide, a mentor in print, and a career compass for anyone stepping into the demanding but rewarding world of Public Relations. After carefully reviewing the book, I am genuinely temptedwithout any flatteryto call it the definitive PR career guide for emerging communicators. It is a standout resource that sets a new benchmark for the field.

Balarabe, a Mass Communication graduate of Bayero University Kano (BUK) more than two decades ago, is not merely a communication scholar; he is a true PR professional in every sense of the wordfar beyond regulatory certification. Calling him a practitioner feels almost inadequate because he breathes, speaks, writes, and conducts himself with the instinctive discipline of someone who genuinely lives and promotes Public Relations through his relationships, engagements, and professional ethos.

What makes this book remarkable is not only its breadth but its narrative style. Balarabe writes with a clarity that demystifies PR practice and a warmth that draws readers into the professions human side. His storytelling approach, just like my recently released memoir “MNI Versus MNIPR in NIPSS,” creates curiosity, making even foundational principles feel fresh and urgent. For budding communicators who often encounter PR as abstract theory, this book offers something different: a vivid, practical, and relatable journey into the craft.

Several chapters carry uniquely crafted titles that immediately spark curiosity and offer clear glimpses into their thematic direction. Chapter One, From Ancient Rhetoric to Digital Dialogue, sets the tone by tracing the evolution of communication from classical persuasion to todays fast‑paced digital exchanges. Other standout chaptersA Constellation of Concepts, Professionalising the Practice, That Good PR Practitioner, A Universe of Opportunities, Some of Your Mentors, Ethical Traps and Hidden Dangers, You and AI, and PR Shotspresent their subjects with clarity and creative framing. PR Shots, in particular, is an engaging compilation of short, sharp professional posts originally shared on social media, now curated into a chapter that reads like a pocket guide for daily practice. The final chapter, which foregrounds the emerging role of Public Relations in Nigerias national project, provides a thoughtful and forward‑looking conclusionpositioning PR not just as a profession but as a strategic pillar in nation‑building.

The book succeeds on multiple fronts. First, it bridges the gap between theory and practice. Many PR texts lean heavily on academic frameworks, leaving young practitioners unsure how to apply them in real‑world situations. Balarabe flips that script. He grounds every concept in lived experiencecrisis moments, ethical dilemmas, communication landmines, and the subtle art of managing reputation. The result is a book that teaches not only what PR is but how PR is done.

Second, the book is structured to guide readers through the profession with increasing depth. From foundational ethics to the anatomy of a good practitioner, from crisis communication to the evolving role of AI, each chapter builds on the last with intentional clarity. The inclusion of real personalitiesrole models whose careers illuminate different pathways in the fieldadds a human dimension that young readers will find both inspiring and instructive.

Third, Balarabe demonstrates a rare courage in addressing contemporary issues. His challenge to the Nigerian Institute of Public Relations (NIPR) on the absence of AI regulation is bold and necessary. His exploration of digital crises, misinformation, and emerging technologies shows a practitioner who understands that PR is evolving rapidlyand that the next generation must be prepared for a landscape far more complex than what existed a decade ago.

The book also shines in its treatment of ethics. Balarabe does not present ethics as a checklist but as the backbone of professional credibility. His insistence that ethical grounding must precede technical skill is a message young communicators urgently need. In a world where speed often competes with accuracy, and visibility competes with integrity, this emphasis is both timely and timeless.

One of the books strongest features is its use of narrative to teach principles. Balarabes storiesof practitioners, crises, institutions, and turning pointsare not decorative. They are instructional. They show how PR works in real life, how reputations are built and broken, and how communicators must think, act, and adapt. This narrative approach makes the book accessible without sacrificing depth.

The book is also refreshingly honest. It does not romanticise the profession. It acknowledges the pressures, the politics, the ethical crossroads, and the emotional labour involved in communication work. Yet it balances this realism with optimism, reminding readers that PR remains one of the most impactful careers for those who master its principles.

For emerging communicators, this book will serve as a mentor. For educators, it will be a teaching companion. For practitioners, it will be a reminder of the disciplines core values. And for the profession at large, it will be a contribution that strengthens the intellectual and practical foundation of PR in Nigeria.

In my sincere assessment, this book is more than a guide. It is a benchmark. A resource that will inspire, instruct, and challenge. A book that emerging communicators will return to repeatedly as they navigate their careers.

And truly, Arent We All PR People is a book our profession has been waiting for.

Yushau A. Shuaib, Award‑Winning PR Practitioner, is the author of MNI Versus MNIPR in NIPSS- Tackling Institutional Bullying yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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On February 17, 2026, I arrived at the Lagos State Police Command Headquarters in Ikeja for a scheduled press briefing. I had travelled to Lagos a day earlier and informed the Commissioner of Police, CP Moshood Olohundare Jimoh, that I would be glad if selected PRNigeria Fellows could attend alongside me.

My relationship with CP Jimoh spans over two decades. I first encountered him when he served as the Police Public Relations Officer (PPRO) of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT). Later, he was elevated to Force Public Relations Officer, where he became an active and cerebral member of the Forum of Spokespersons of Security and Response Agencies (FOSSRA). Over the years, I have observed his evolutionnot merely in rank, but in philosophy.

The press conference commenced at exactly 1 p.m. on that Wednesday afternoon. CP Jimoh methodically reeled out the Commands challenges and accomplishments over the preceding year. His presentation was data-driven, structured, and confident. He fielded questions from journalists with composure and clarity.

After the session, I sought his permission to allow a PRNigeria Fellow to make a brief remark. He graciously obliged.

The Fellow, Adam Adebisi, introduced himself as a Lagosian and a participant in the 2025 PRNigeria Young Communication Fellowship in Ilorin. He explained that following the fellowship, he and a colleague embarked on a research project on security communication in Lagosone that had culminated in a special publication he wished to present.

A carefully wrapped package was brought forward.
As it was unwrapped, copies of a book emerged, boldly titled: CP Jimoh: The Art of Policing Lagos.

For a brief moment, the Commissioner was visibly stunned. Words failed him. The surprise was genuine.

Such unexpected unveilings are not new at the PRNigeria Centre. In 2016, I authored Sambo Dasuki: An Encounter with the Spymaster while the subject was still in detention. Similar surprise presentations followed with works such as General CG Musa in Peacekeeping: Leveraging Interagency and Civil-Military Relations, Gen. Leo Irabor: The Pearl of Defence, Impactful PR in Customs Management The CG Wale Adeniyi Example, Pantami: The Trials and Triumphs of a Digital Economy Maestro, and 47 Narratives on a Change Agent. More recently, four serving corps members co-authored Anti-Drug, Anti-Smuggling Campaigns A Corpers Chronicle and Diplomacy and Digital Innovation Youth Insight.

But this moment in Ikeja was particularly symbolic.
At a time when public confidence in institutions is under strain and the complexity of urban security continues to intensify, rigorous and evidence-based documentation of policing has become indispensable. CP Jimoh: The Art of Policing Lagos, authored by two outstanding PRNigeria FellowsAdebisi O. Adams and Shukurat T. Ibrahimarrives at a critical juncture in Nigerias security discourse.

The PRNigeria Young Communication Fellowship was conceived to nurture a new generation of communicatorsprofessionals who combine research competence, narrative discipline, and strategic insight in service of public interest. Adebisi and Shukurat exemplify this vision. Their intellectual rigour and civic commitment are evident throughout the 203-page book.

The project emerged from the Ilorin Cohort of the 2025 Fellowship. During their assignment on security communication, the authors observed that CP Jimohs policing approach in Lagos reflected a deliberate shift towards intelligence-led operations, structured information management, proactive stakeholder engagement, and ethical accountability.

Encouraged by mentors and peers, they began publishing analytical articlesalmost weeklyon evolving security dynamics in Lagos. These pieces appeared on PRNigeria, Emergency Digest, and in national newspapers, gradually positioning them as credible young voices in contemporary urban security analysis.

Those articles have now been expanded, curated, and refined into this comprehensive volume.

By choosing LagosNigerias most complex and demanding security theatrethe authors embraced an ambitious intellectual challenge. Through field observations, content analysis, institutional review, and synthesis of primary and secondary data, they document not just incidents, but institutional transition.

At the centre of their study stands CP Moshood Olohundare Jimoh, whose leadership illustrates how modern policing can move beyond reactive enforcement to become intelligence-driven, community-oriented, and communication-conscious. His efforts align with the broader reform trajectory of the Inspector-General of Police, IGP Kayode Adeolu Egbetokun, PhD, NPM, whose emphasis on professionalism and institutional renewal has created enabling space for transformative leadership across commands.

One of the books most valuable contributions lies in its focus on communication as a pillar of institutional legitimacy. In todays digital era, policing is not only about force projection; it is about narrative clarity, responsiveness, and trust-building. The authors demonstrate how structured communication can counter misinformation, strengthen cooperation, and reinforce public confidence.

This publication is a testament to what young communicators can achieve when mentorship meets discipline and opportunity. Adebisi and Shukurat have produced work that enriches policy dialogue, supports institutional learning, and elevates public understandingprecisely the mission of the PRNigeria Fellowship.

I commend the authors for their diligence and professionalism. I equally commend CP Jimoh for his openness to documentation and constructive engagementtraits that distinguish reform-minded leadership from defensive authority.

CP Jimoh: The Art of Policing Lagos is more than a book. It is a thoughtful contribution to Nigerias ongoing journey toward building a policing system that is intelligent, humane, accountable, and anchored in democratic values.

It deserves serious attentionfrom practitioners, scholars, policymakers, and citizens alike.

Yushau A. Shuaib, author of Award-Winning Crisis Communication Strategies, is Editor-in-Chief of PRNigeria yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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There are few things more dignifying than when a towering public figure extends the courtesy of respect wrapped in humility. General Lucky Irabor, former Chief of Defence Staff, exemplifies that rare blend of strength and grace. When he invited me to the presentation of his new book, “SCARS: Nigerias Journey and the Boko Haram Conundrum,” I was reminded that behind the imposing military uniform lies a man of reflection, intellect, and empathy unless, of course, one dares to cross the line.

This quality stands in sharp contrast to the arrogance I have encountered at a strategic institute where a few officers inflated egos left little room for courtesy or intellectual exchange.

I could not attend the book launch due to a scheduling conflict with the International Public Relations Associations (IPRA) Golden World Awards in Ghana, where both the Nigeria Customs Service and my organisation, Image Merchants Promotion Limited (IMPR), were being honoured. On my return to Abuja, all copies of the book had sold out at the designated bookshops, and I was due to travel to Canada that same night. Learning of my predicament, General Irabor personally ensured a copy was sent to me a gesture that spoke volumes about his character.

Taking the advice of his friend, Vice President Kashim Shettima, that to truly enjoy a book, read it on a long journey, I opened it mid-flight and did not stop until I reached the last page. In less than twenty-four hours, I devoured the 300-page memoir a deeply analytical, well-researched, and intellectually stimulating work that goes far beyond the typical autobiographical recount of a retired general.

Irabors SCARS stands out for its narrative style. It is not a self-indulgent memoir but a reflective chronicle that blends personal experience with historical analysis and policy critique. He writes with academic precision, referencing other scholars, field experiences, and verifiable data. Between the lines, the discerning reader can sense his measured but firm convictions on the Boko Haram insurgency, Niger Delta militancy, IPOB separatism, Yoruba nationalism, and the societal decay that has haunted Nigeria since independence.

The book is a panoramic chronicle from the civil war and military coups to democratic transitions and insurgencies offering a sober reflection on the choices and failures that have defined Nigerias evolution. Notably, Irabor avoids sensationalism or name-dropping; even his acknowledgments are strikingly modest despite the calibre of personalities including former Presidents who later attended the unveiling in Abuja.

Former President Olusegun Obasanjo, in his foreword, aptly describes the book as a soldiers honest reflection on a nations unfinished journey. But the true revelations lie within the pages in Irabors unflinching interrogation of Nigerias political and moral contradictions.

Among the books most intriguing points is his assertion that no full-fledged coup dtat in Nigeria has ever occurred without civilian collaboration. He argues that soldiers, bound by their oath of allegiance, often justify interventions through the prism of national defence. This interpretation shifts part of the blame for Nigerias military incursions to opportunistic civilians who manipulate or enable such actions for personal gain.

Equally provocative is his historical framing of Northern Nigerias recurring religious conflicts. Irabor traces their roots to Usman Dan Fodios jihad of 1804, viewing it as the starting point of organized religious militancy in the region. While this perspective is historically grounded, it risks oversimplification. Thankfully, Irabor tempers his argument by contextualizing it within the broader millenarian revolts of early colonialism, suggesting that both Islamic revivalism and Christian evangelism during the colonial era contributed to shaping Nigerias spiritual and social divides.

One area readers may find conspicuously absent is any mention of the tragic death of gallant General Ibrahim Attahiru, the late Chief of Army Staff who perished in a plane crash shortly after Boko Harams leader, Abubakar Shekau, was reportedly killed. Given Irabors position as the CDS, his silence on the matter is perhaps deliberate an act of discretion from a professional soldier who values institutional continuity over personal disclosure.

Still, his candour shines through elsewhere. The sections on Northern Nigerias political elite are unambiguously critical. Irabor faults the regions leaders for presiding over deepening poverty, illiteracy, and insecurity despite their educational exposure and political dominance. He cites World Bank data showing that the ten poorest states in Nigeria are all in the North-East and North-West, with 87% of the nations poorest population concentrated there. He attributes this grim reality to elite hypocrisy, religious manipulation, and the failure to translate political power into social progress.

He particularly denounces the politicisation of religion, using the Sharia Movement in Zamfara (1999) as a case study of how political opportunism derailed governance. Quoting Emir Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, Irabor laments the commodification of piety a process through which religion becomes a tool of control rather than a vehicle for moral upliftment.

He calls on Northern leaders to emulate progressive Muslim societies like Saudi Arabia and Turkey, which have harmonised faith with modernity rather than allowing religion to justify stagnation. His position on the Almajiri system is particularly powerful; he argues that no faith sanctions the institutionalisation of street begging or the abandonment of children in the name of learning.

The chapter on the Dead Horse Theory is one of the books most intellectually stimulating sections. Here, Irabor uses the metaphor to describe Nigerias tendency to keep beating dead horses sustaining failed policies and obsolete institutions instead of pursuing meaningful reform. He cites the duplication of examination bodies like WAEC and NECO, the Nomadic Education Programme, and the regional cut-off mark policy as examples of how Nigeria perpetuates inefficiency under the guise of inclusiveness.

The discussion on Boko Haram is both historical and diagnostic. Irabor situates the insurgency within a continuum of religious and socio-political crises, from the Maitatsine riots of the 1980s to the Sharia clashes of 19992000. He chronicles how Mohammed Yusuf, the sects founder, began as a member of Bornos Sharia Implementation Committee, only to break away and radicalise disillusioned youth by preaching against Western education and government corruption. The book exposes the irony of Boko Harams dependence on Western technology weapons, communication tools, and propaganda platforms even while denouncing Western civilisation.

Irabor portrays Boko Haram not as a purely religious movement but as a symptom of governance failure, economic deprivation, and elite negligence. He identifies the drivers of extremism as unaddressed political grievances, weaponisation of religion and tribe, a biased legal framework, and weakened institutions.

The author also voices deep concern over what he described as an international conspiracy against Nigeria, singling out certain foreign entities and media organisations. He accuses them of not only supplying logistical support to terrorist groups but also of deliberately spreading false narratives aimed at discrediting the Nigerian military and destabilising national security.

In his closing reflections, the General offers a pragmatic pathway forward: diplomatic negotiation, socioeconomic and political realignment, and governance reforms that reward merit and restore trust. The time for change is now, he writes, and it must begin with truth, inclusion, and a commitment to genuine progress.

SCARS is not just a memoir; it is a mirror reflecting Nigerias wounds the scars of war, hypocrisy, and wasted potential. Irabors writing is measured but fearless, scholarly yet deeply human. His critique of the North is not an attack but a plea for introspection; his assessment of Nigerias leadership failures is not cynical but reformist.

This book is an essential read for anyone seeking to understand Nigerias enduring crises from insurgency and leadership to the complex interplay between faith, politics, and national identity.

General Lucky Irabors SCARS leaves readers not with despair, but with hope the hope that confronting our scars honestly is the first step toward national healing.

Yushau A. Shuaib is the author of An Encounter with the Spymaster and Award-Winning Crisis Communication Strategies. yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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After the presentation of my book on Crisis Communication Strategies last year, Abdullahi O. Haruna breezed into my office and announced his forthcoming book too.
Popularly known as Haruspice on social media, Haruna describes himself as a ‘Proud Buharideen’ and an unapologetic Buharist. We have had very several private conversations on the socio-political, as well as economic developments of Nigeria. From the onset, Haruna has been a fanatical supporter of General Muhammadu Buhari, even before the 2015 elections, after which he became President.

In his characteristic writing style, Haruna has a unique way of weaving together pungent, punchy and persuasive narratives, all delivered with a peculiar choice of words to convey his meaning. And, as a professional communicator, he remains focused on projecting, defending, and protecting the person of the president, sometimes at great risk to him, as a social media influencer.

I could therefore easily second-guess the theme of the book, particularly on the basis of some of our conversations and engagements on national issues.

“The title of my book is ‘The Buhari in Us!’”, he quickly but wittily interjected into my thought.

Although I was not the least surprised by the title of Haruspice’s proposed book, yet I found in it an interesting and amusing metaphor. In our private conversations, I had expressed my misgivings, following the emergence of the Buhari administration in 2015. I then raised concerns over the persecution of opposition politicians, some of who were arraigned before courts for financing elections, while a number of the members of the new ruling party – some of who also deployed public funds to prosecuting the elections – were rewarded with juicy government patronage and appointments.

I was also bothered by the significant imbalances in federal appointments, in which public organisations and agencies in a particular sector were manned by people from specific geopolitical zones, coupled by the additional burden of the sector being one that was facing monumental challenges.

The issue of the swelling concerns around insecurity in the country, alongside arbitrary detentions and the government’s disobedience of court orders gradually became matters of deepening apprehension.

“Sir, ‘the Buhari in Us is’ would answer some of the issues we discussed and allay all your fears….”, Haruspice once again reassuringly interjected into, like a mind reader.

A few months later, the 112-page book, published by Entourage Publishing Limited, was released in a timely fashion that coincided with a period of the national blaming of President Buhari for a number of societal challenges.

In the Foreword to the book, Vice President Yemi Osinbajo writes that, “The Buhari in Us which is a series of short articles written in free-flowing prose, with some occasional interludes of poetic expressions, captures the thoughts and summations of the writer about the man called Muhammadu Buhari.”

Even though critics may disagree with some of his views, Haruspice delivers his message in excellent prose, marshaling convincing arguments, which are incisive and occasionally laced with political rhetoric. He’s is probably the best collection of hagiographical writings on President Buhari.

Nevertheless, after reading the book, I realised that some of his narratives fit into the Image Repair (Restoration) Theory (IRT) propounded in Crisis Communication, as a sub-speciality of the public relations profession, and which is designed to protect and defend an individual or organisation facing reputational challenges.

The image repair theory (IRT), recommended by Professor William Benoit of the University of Missouri, identifies five general approaches to responding to accusations or suspicions. These are Denial, Evading Responsibility, Reducing Offensiveness, Corrective Action, and Mortification.

One of Haruna’s repeated communication strategies in defending the reputation of the President is the utilisation of the denial approach, which is either to refute any wrongdoing in an outright manner or to project a one-sided argument as fact, by negating the possibility of other sides to such argument. For instance, he writes that, “a former president’s timidity allowed Boko Haram (to) capture 23 Local Government Areas,” but refused to add that almost all of these local government areas were subsequently recovered by the same administration before the election that brought Buhari to power. There are many times when his arguments and the damages they seek to do are erected on the fallacy of the single story.

Similarly, in another chapter he mentions that President Buhari hosted some of his ardent supporters (Buharists) to a breakfast in the State House and that “these young people defied insult(s), malice and psychological torture to stand by him without …any monetary motivation.” Surprisingly, in another section of the book, Haruspice accuses some of these Buharists, saying that, “If you can’t support PMB to succeed, please denounce your earlier support. The battle for restoration of Nigeria is not for (the) faint-heart(ed), it is for real patriots.” While initially claiming that the support of the Buharists was total and not dependent on monetary or other forms of inducement, the writer yet rails against this same group in a bitter manner and questions their purported loyalty, without supplying the context for the change in behaviour.

In also utilising the evasion of responsibility approach, which shifts blame and provides excuses for the evolution of issues, Haruna tackles those who were criticising President Buhari for choosing to seek remedy to his medical conditions in a foreign hospital by saying that, “For 16 years you (critics) endured the building of no single world class hospital by OBJ, Yar’Adua and Jonathan but you are angry that in three years Buhari didn’t build hospitals across the federation. Being bias(ed) is also corruption.”

Similarly, when members of the opposition were accusing the Buhari administration of being too slow in taking action on national issues, to this Haruspice retorted that, “Nigeria would have become a global reference in economic growth, political strength, religious reference if not for the way things were badly managed in the past.”

There is also a section on “Buhari’s Certificate of Integrity”, where he writes that, “even those who didn’t graduate properly are saying Buhari has no WAEC certificate.” Meanwhile, in that chapter the names of former Presidents Ibrahim Babangida and Goodluck Jonathan were conspicuously cited.

In taking on the Reducing Offensiveness approach, which is a strategy of attempting a balance by first admitting the existence of problems, and then revealing the solutions that were proffered to these concerns, Haruna titles one of the chapters in the book as, “May Buhari Fail in Politics and Get it Right in Governance.” The reason for this chapter is quite obvious. In another chapter titled, “How not to Change a Government,” Haruna writes that, “You don’t change a government with hate and malice; you change a government with tact and intelligence.”

Another strategy in IRT theory deployed by Haruna, in the reputation building effort of his book, is the Corrective Action Approach, which seeks to resolve a problem by promising to do the right things necessary for making this happen. In the chapter titled, “Getting Nigeria out of the Miry Clay,” Haruspice first admits that, “There is no denying the obvious that things are hard and families have been experiencing the most difficult time of existence; people are finding it hard to feed and pay the school fees.” He then quickly concludes that, “This is unfortunate, but we do hope that quick win solutions come to our ways, soon.”

In the Buhari In Us, Haruspice attempts a bit of political clairvoyance of his own. In the section, “Buhari and the Yorubas”, after praising and appeasing one of the APC leaders, Chief Bola Tinubu, Haruspice writes that, “With a Buhari’s candidature in 2019, all would be set for an Osinbajo to succeed his boss…. It’s going to be difficult to deny him the Yoruba representation…. The candidacy of Yemi Osinbajo in 2023 will sell like a virgin bride.”

The Mortification as the last approach in the IRT theory of Crisis Communication is the deployment of a strategy of contrition, which could involve a heart-felt confession, as well as a persuasive apology over an issue or incident of grave import for a community or nation. In this mode, evident in “Righting the Wrongs of Yesterday”, Haruna explains the circumstances of the posthumous honours bestowed on the late Chief MKO Abiola, more than 20 years, after his widely proclaimed victory at the presidential election of June 12, 1993, almost as a way of drawing the audience into an emotional acknowledgement of the restorative purpose of the Buhari administration in healing deep national wounds.

Also, in writing “Why Buhari Can’t Fail”, Haruna declares that the President has no reason to fail because this would be really bad for his image, convictions and would hence damage what he projects as Buhari’s impeccable brand. He says that, “When the body is hungry, the mind becomes weak, forlorn and despondent. What we have now is the realisation that the government is doing all it can to make things right.”

In the book, Haruspice doesn’t only eulogise President Buhari, he also speaks truth to power on some national challenges. In his “Open Letter to the President” in the book, Haruspice laments the deprecating issues of insecurity in the country, noting that, “Killers are having field days, maiming and killing at will… Leadership is nothing if the people are not secured. You can do it, Mr. President, provide more leadership in this regard.”

Yushau A. Shuaib
Author of “An Encounter with the Spymaster” and “Crisis Communication Strategies”
www.YAShuaib.com

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Before the publication, he has always been as controversial as his physique and high positions he held. His enigmatic disposition is reflective in his outbursts and battles at various stages of his life.

In over 20 years of syndicated opinion writings, this writer had causes to write to, and on el-Rufai, as an arrow-head of the government in attempts to question some of his controversial policies and decisions. Some of the articles where his name appeared in the titles include: “el Rufai: From Privatization to Demolition,” “Memo to el-Rufai on Monetisation of Government Houses,” “Six el-Rufai in Mummy’s Shop,” and “Between el Rufai, Ribadu and Yar’Adua.”

It was obvious that, to some extent he was tolerant to some of the constructive criticisms going subsequent actions he took and occasional responses. His Special Assistant, Dr. Abdu Mukhtar once issued a lengthy rejoinder to my criticism of the Monetisation policy, clearly stating government position and how it could benefit the civil servants at the end.

My close contact with him came when I was nominated by his office to be the Chief Rapporteur and Leader of the Rapportorial Team of the International Conference on Abuja @30 Celebration in 2006. At a close range, el Rufai is a jolly fellow. He related seamlessly with all officials at the weeklong event. Though his style as an administrator could defer from what would be expected from typical Nigerian politicians and top civil servants, he was focused on the assigned targets, especially on the restoration of Abuja Master plan, the monetization policy concerning government houses, the initial public service reform among others would remain indelible hallmarks of el Rufai’s time in government.

From the PR practitioner’s perspective, Nasir el Rufai is a difficult brand to manage. He strongly believes in the power of his voice no matter what others would say. He admitted this in his book when he wrote that “certain people hold the opinion that I am feisty, argumentative and antagonistic- ….I just believe in being honest with myself and with others and in speaking my mind frankly..”

While it was difficult to recall his open criticism or opinion on the ‘Third Term’ agenda of President Olusegun Obasanjo as clearly demonstrated then by Vice President Atiku Abubakar, el Rufai narrated his behind the scene campaigns against the project in association with other members of the then Economic Management Team, which included Nuhu Ribadu, Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala and Oby Ezekwesili. One of his direct confrontations angered President Obasanjo who retorted: “I am looking forward to May 29, 2007 to go back to my farm.” At another instance Obasanjo had to refer to el Rufai as “coup plotter” for secretly leading others against the Third Term Agenda after a consultation with Gen. Abdullahi Mohammed, the Chief of Staff.

Although it is difficult to determine from the book if el Rufai nursed the ambition to replace Obj/Atiku after their second term in 2007, it is clear that he was very bitter over the failure of Obasanjo to groom a successor. He said in the book: “The fact that Obasanjo did not even explore the idea of grooming a suitable successor speaks of the depths of his delusion… he deprived the ordinary Nigerian of that luxury of making a real choice.”

While he publicly supported the emergence of Umar Musa Yar’Adua and Goodluck Jonathan as presidential and Vice presidential candidates of the ruling People’s Democratic Party (PDP), he nevertheless writes in his book: “Yar’Adua and his deputy, Goodluck Jonathan emerged for no other discernible reasons than being weak governors sympathetic to the Third Term project and therefore, handpicked as paypack.”

Notwithstanding his scathing criticisms of his boss, it is obvious from the book that el Rufai retains some kind impressions about Obasanjo when he said “In spite of all these deficits, President Obasanjo is an intelligent, hardworking, dedicated and competent leader. I consider my experiences working with him, one of the pinnacles of my public service career.”

Dwelling on his sojourn at the BPE, el Rufai justifies his recruitment policy of favouring friends, associate and first class graduates on the ground that he knew their capabilities. While debunking the allegations of paying a youth corps member, Aishetu Fatima Kolo N2 million per month, he justifies his realistic salaries for staff in BPE as means of fighting corruption due to temptation of office with supports from some multilateral institutions like World Bank and DFID.

The book unveils a lot of financial scandals and corrupt practices involving individuals in high places from the public and private sectors, especially during the privatisation process. El Rufai narrates how one Nessim Gaon, a Swiss-Jew who was awarded $320million contract to build Nicon-Noga Hilton in Abuja manoeuvred himself to become a shareholder in the hotel. The project, according to el Rufai should not have cost $120million in the estimation of a quantity surveying firm, yet the same contractor without injecting any fund into the hotel claimed to be a 25% shareholder in the ownership under a very questionable management contract executed with NICON Insurance. El Rufai ensured the man lost the controversial shareholding after consulting Vice President Atiku Abubakar as Chairman of National Privatisation Council who approved that Hilton became a 100%- owned asset of the Government.

Another hanky-panky he exposed was his alleged rejection of N25,000,000 and $100,000 cash as a ‘thank you’ gift from Mike Adenuga after the sale of the National Oil (Nolchem) to his (Adenuga’s) Conpetro. When the courier of the bribery, a named staff of BPE was reprimanded by Elrufai with a threat to report him to NCP, the staff replied that the Chairman of the Council (VP Atiku) had been informed by Adenuga on the ‘Naira-Dollars’ gift.

El Rufai writes that he immediately went to Atiku to accuse him of complicity. A surprised Atiku immediately put a speaker phone call to Adenuga and asked: “Did we ever discuss Nasir Elrufai with you and what did I say?” Adenuga replied: “Yes sir. You told me he is a straightforward person and that I should not try to give him any money or try to thank him in any way.”

 This book review by Yushau A. Shuaib has been published in the print edition of Economic Confidential, Thisday, Guardian, Punch, Vanguard, National Mirror, Nigerian Tribune, People’s Daily, Blueprint, Daily Trust and the Sun in April 2013

To be continued in PartII

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Barack Obama

Obasanjo… Obasanjo… Obasanjo! The above quote is from the recent article by former President Olusegun Obasanjo with a title “Obama’s Election and the Needed Change” where he gave a sermon on the newly elected President of the United States of America, Barrack Husseini Obama. The article was not widely celebrated in the Nigeria’s Press, probably due to the sentiment against his leadership as only few media houses published or reviewed it.

The Nigeria’s former president was in his usual best… eloquent with catchy words and fancy phrases in intellectual fervor that can compete with the best academic paper. While many Nigerians may deliberately ignore his seeming tribute on Obama, the message and the theme of the essay is indeed a good material for researchers and students of political science and even the politicians.

Yes… most of his points and argument are not only timely and worthy reference material in assessing the dynamism of American politics and the sagacity of Obama’s campaign managers, coming from Obasanjo would definitely make one to wonder if the same processes were observed during his reign as Nigeria’ President.

The piece which he started with congratulatory message to President-Elect Senator Barack Obama for his well-deserved victory, states that Obama’s victory brought with it a new, refreshing and exciting taste in our mouths. According to him “Apart from doing himself and his family proud, he has also done his nation proud by crossing a Rubicon that was considered impassable almost inconceivable at least in the then immediate future.” Nigerians and indeed Africans would have wished Obasanjo too provided a level playing ground for political aspirants without intimidation and unbecoming collaboration of some security agencies and electoral umpires to scuttle the democratic process from running its course.

The entire piece by General Olusegun Obasanjo centres on changes and he keeps on repeating the theme. According to him “The feeling of change that Senator Obama engendered through his campaign for the White House represents a significant theme of change we have all aspired and fought for in different areas…, regions, cultures and historical times.” He adds with this fancy and quotable phrase “The desire for change has never been the question nor has it ever been in question. It is the extent, the range, the tone, the quantity, the quantum and the sustenance of change that has always been the question.”

Nigerians actually seek for such positive changes, but politicians and political appointees always have ways of denying us the opportunity to achieve our desired changes. I couldn’t help but wonder which of the changes Gen. Obasanjo is referring to… living condition, security or electoral processes?

As Nigerians and Africans continue to argue the possibility of Obamania in our climes considering the bastardilisation of political and electoral processes by our leaders, Obasanjo points out that “Rooted in the achievements of Senator Obama is a far more significant theme for people aspiring to lead their communities, particularly for young Africans in Africa. It is the aspirations, the determination, the energy, the strategic thinking, planning and execution that Senator Obama and his campaign team have brought into what is being regarded as a movement.”

Nigeria has many talented, intelligent, respected and incorruptible individuals who could have been great leaders but were eliminated from aspiring to lead either by local government chairmen, governors of states and President of the country by using the paraphernalia of office, as we observed with dismay during the last government. If not for the intervention of the Judiciary we wouldn’t have witnessed emergence of Governor Peter Obi of Anambra State, Governor Rotimi Amaechi of Rivers and the new Comrade Governor Adam Oshimole of Edo State. Many similar cases are still in the court waiting for justice.

Our President who was once described as a close friend of President George Bush Jnr. considering the numbers of times he travelled abroad, indirectly lashed at his former ally when he writes: “In some ways his (Obama) election has been described by some analysts as a referendum on George Bush’s eight years of unnecessary and totally avoidable wars and the meltdown economy.” In another place in the article he is more direct when he adds: “His (Bush) position of going for force of persuasion rather than persuasion of force must sound like sweet music in the ears of those who have agonised in the unilateralism of the use of force under the guise of fighting terrorism by the Bush administration.”

Commenting on the personality of Barrack Obama, our former president proudly narrates his personal close encounter thus: “Let me relate my first and only encounter with Senator Barrack Obama. In September 2007, during the Black Caucus Convention in Washington DC, I met and chatted with both Senator Hilary Clinton and Senator Barrack Obama separately, albeit briefly. One cannot but be impressed by Senator Obama’s disposition, he was intelligent, quick-witted and smart in his reactions and answers to my few questions. He was also courteous and cultured. He exuded confidence and friendship even though it was our first meeting…. I also recalled that when he first contested for political office in Illinois, though his funny name raised questions for him but it did not make him lose the election, he won.”

One thing our former President doesn’t state, which is necessary in an article like that is that Obama doesn’t have any godfather and doesn’t use any big corporate mafia to foot his campaign bills. He did not lobby members of his political party in public offices to channel states resources for his campaign. We know what happened in Nigeria when we had the Chris Ubas, the Adedibus, Sarakis and the influence of the powerful business cartel like the so-called Corporate Nigerians in making things happen their ways sometimes against the wishes of the people.

There are indeed great lessons to learn from Obama’s campaign compare to primitive and uninspiring electioneering in our lands. The Iwu Chief clearly states this when he observes that Obama out-campaigned, out-strategised, out-funded, and out-debated his Republican rival, Senator John McCain. The crowd drawn by Obama during his visit to Europe was nothing short of a movement and it was simply electrifying.” He adds that “I must express my admiration for the managers and advisers of Senator Obama during the campaign. They were cautious, meticulous, and painstaking; they left nothing to chance. They checked and crosschecked everything and every milieu.” In Nigeria one can succeed in all this but still fail because the power-that-be has a preference on whom they need and must be whether the citizens like it or not or whether he is of questionable character.

In fact when the Ota Farmer said Obama’s campaigners and supporters carry no baggage of fear, doubt and prejudices of their parents and those before them, the contrary seemed to be the case in Nigeria where ballot papers and boxes are hijacked, where political opponents are haunted, where area-boy-vagabonds who are the usual typical campaign managers, maimed and killed on the instruction of their financiers in a country where we have an electoral empire as being insensitive to the feelings of the people.

I totally agree with our former President that “what has happened in America is for a man to be seen for what he is – human and what he is capable of delivering – removes the consideration of minority-majority as a major debate or factor. People should be seen, accepted, judged and placed for what they are and what God has endowed them with.”

Where I got confused after I recalled the only-one-man can rule Nigeria campaign for Third-Term was when Obasanjo writes: “Those who preach the sermon of superiority of Intelligence Quotient or simple intellect based on colour, race, tribe or language must start to review and indeed change their sermon.”

In Nigeria we have seen leaders who want to rule for life, thinking that without them nothing can move as they attempt to amend the law to accommodate their megalomaniac quest that they are those gifted with the power to rule for life.

For the losers in the Maurice Iwu-led elections in Nigeria, the retired military general probably has them in mind when he admonishes them to consider Obama’s disposition before the election that “he (Obama) maintained that he would not blame discrimination of any sort, if he had failed to win the election, rather he would blame himself for not putting his ideas and programme across to the electorate properly and adequately.”

I think our former President need to know that the election in America is clearly as it is indisputably free and fair in every sense that John McCain had to immediately concede defeat and congratulate Obama in a genuine and sincere tribute.

WE can not deny Obasanjo’s sense of humour, intellect and charisma, when we recall the way he mesmerized the international community and bulldozzed his way to plum positions even in group pictures with world leaders. How he becomes a failure by public and media rating is still of great concern to political observers and students of history even when he succeeded in some areas of economic development.

The general discloses one undisputable fact, a reality we face today as Nigerians which keep us going and sustain our faith in the country as he captures our moods with this word: “After all, hope is the only thing we freely give to ourselves and it is the only thing that we are left with when all else has been taken away.”

I think we must move ahead from mere hope to the realization of our dreams, because many have died, counting on hope and hoping for better day that never came.

This article by Yushau A. Shuaib was originally published in Economic Confidential November, Daily Sun November 20, New Nigerian November 18, Daily Trust November 19, 19, Vanguard November 21, Tribune November 23, Independent November 24 Business Times November 28-29 and Leadership November 30, 2008

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NIGHTMARE FOR THE RICH

The question has often been asked. “ Why do wealthy people always insist that their offspring marry children from wealthy homess? Perhaps to ensure that their generations maintain affluence in perpetuity.

When the decision of a particular child to marry a heartthrob of whose background does not measure up to their set standard, a crisis, sometimes, very serious, would brew.

Shuaib’s Nightmare for the Rich is, perhaps, a protest against this statue quo. A protest, because the parents of the protagonist, Sunusi, drive him to an early grave in an effort to force him out of a relationship with Bilki, daughter of a beggar.

The fifteen chapter tragic novel tells the story of Sunusi, the undergraduate son of Alhaji Gamba and his wife, Alhaja Maryam has been the pride and joy of the family until time comes for his marriage.

Sunusi is the apple of the eye of his parents and his accounts for their insistence that he must not take up hostel accommodation, thus making him an off-campus student.

Sunusi has no reason to complain, afterall, he has a good car and a retinue of house helps to do his domestic chores, thereby leaving him with more time for his studies.

As soon as Sunusi reaches what his parents consider “the right age for marriage” his parents present him with a horde of girls with wealthy backgrounds from which to choose.

While this is going on, an encounter with two beggars – mother and daughter – adds a twist to the entire story.

Sunusi has just snubbed Bilki, a teenager and her blind mother Inna, when asked for alms. But thereafter, the duo finds a purse. They open it to discover its owner and his address.

Determined to remain honest even in her poverty, Inna insists that the owner be traced and the purse returned. Thus, with the help of Bilki, a secondary school dropout, they trace Sunusi’s home. The gatekeeper refuses them entry as they ask to see Sunusi.

Even when Sunusi receives the message of his strange callers, he comes to the balcony only to return inside almost immediately, not wanting to see them

In spite of these aspersions, Inna insists the purse be sent to its owner through the gatekeeper, as she leaves with her daughter.

Sunusi loses control of himself at the rare gesture of the beggars and sets out to search for them. All the documents and cash in the purse are complete. He feels he has to apologise and reward them.

He finds them after a long search but they refuse his reward.

The innocence in Bilki tickles something in his inner being.

To Sunusi, the best option he conceives is to marry Bilki. His parents notice the growing interest and insist on not having anything to do with it. To no avail, however, they try to discourage their son.

When their attempt at persuasion fails, they arrange for the kidnap of Bilki and her mother. But with the assistance of Inspector Nkonkwo, Sunusi finds them in another town. He brings them back to town and rents an apartment for them.

Rather than Lagos, Sunusi elopes with Bilki to a Fulani settlement far away from town.

However, determined to rescue their son, his parents organise a team of policemen who mistakenly shoot Sunusi dead in the operation. The tragedy marks the very core of the thematic structure of this new novel.
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WHAT LOVE’S GOT TO DO
Reviewer: Olayiwola Adeniyi
The Guardian October 16 1997

Nightmare for the rich by Yushua Abdulhammed Shuaib, at first sight, gives the impression of that which propagates the Marxian dialectic of an ultimate dislodgement of the bourgeois class by a revolutionary vanguard of the proletariat.

Rather than this ultra-leftist position, however, the author, in a simple but refreshing manner, examines the well-known theme of social conflict between the rich and the poor from a liberal humanist perspective.

His thesis is that, no matter one’s social status, the basics of human relationship should be love and respect.

Set in an unnamed northern town, the story revolves around Sunusi, the son of Alhaji Garba, a multimillionaire merchant. Being an only son, the parents are eager to see him married, therefore, they continually pester him about bringing home his fiancée who, of course, must belong to the class of the nouveau riche. Sunusi’s repeated response is “God’s time is the best,” while he sulks in private.

Predictably, these parental pressures affects his demeanour as he becomes less friendly and withdrawn. He thinks he has come of age to make his own decision. His protest is, however, subtle, sometimes giving the impression of what he wants. Fate is soon to help him resolve whatever his personal conflicts are.

In one of his usual runs around town, he meets a blind woman who is being led by her young, albeit petty daughter, Biki. As is typical of the arrogance of many members of the aristocratic class, he treats the “filthy beggars” in a condescending manner. His alms for them are insults for being so unkempt.

Unknown to him, this meeting is one that would change his life completely. He again meets the duo and characteristically treats them with disdain. While trying to get into his car, his wallet drops and Bilki picks it, thinking that it is some good fortune for them but her blind mother insists that the money be returned to the owner. This single act of honesty which triggers off a chain of action and reactions.

In no time, he finds himself falling in love with Bilki whom he finds quite intelligent. Unfortunately, this is not the dream of his parents. Bilki is neither Balaraba, the daughter of Alhaji Isa, the motor dealer nor Sakinat, daughter of the emir. To them, their only son is about to commit class suicide. Hajia Maryam, his mother, is the most piqued about this.

“Remember that . . . ‘beggars’ disease is worst (sic) than any contagious disease. They live under the blazing sun, often under unhygienic conditions, hence their health and mental balance are disturbed. Even many of them cannot be cured for life, even if they look normal, their children would inherit their abnormalities.” She immediately sets the machinery in motion to stop the “wilful suicide.” Luckily, she finds in Jatau, her staff, an invaluable tool. He begins to trail Sunusi, and Bilki up to the point of having her abducted and taken to a remote village. But having been bitten by the love bug, Sunusi would not let go. He goes in search of his lover and her mother until he finds them. Each time there seems a respite, Jatau and his group inflicts a reign of terror on the hapless Bilki and her mother. There is also no moment of peace for Sunusi who is urged on by two factors—love and the strong determination to break off the parents’ apron strings.

As Jatau and his group, later joined by the vindictive uncle of Bilki, continue their hunting and haunting, the love between the two waxes stronger but like all things good, sacrifice must be made. The first is Bilki’s mother who is seriously injured in a determined effort to save her daughter. She dies later.

After a while, Sunusi elopes with Bilki to where he thought they could not be seen. The son of a rich man, all of a sudden, becomes a cattle’s rearer, all on account of love.

One day, the need arises for Sunusi to get some drugs for his expectant wife, so he makes for the city in disguise but he is soon found out and arrested to be taken home. Sunusi will not cooperate. He bolts away and gets to the village only to discover that Jatau and his men had registered their presence there. They not only killed Jauro, their kind host but also Yahaya, a neighbour. Bilki is also at the mercy of her devilish uncle when Sunusi gets there. He is able to rescue her but not without being seriously wounded.

The police come to his rescue and finally his parents agree after seeing what their son has gone through, decided to embrace Bikil as a daughter-in-law. But the damage had been done, Sunusi could not survive the bullet wounds and while holding on to his wife, he gives his parting shot which reflects the whole essence of the work.

“I cherish our friendship, our love, your understanding, caring, the whole adventure and its tragedies. I’m afraid I’ll miss you . . . I wish this is my contribution in this battle for the restoration of dignity and equality of Men . . . battle for the recognition of the less fortunate in society . . . ” This lesson of Nightmare for the Rich goes beyond just the issue of marriage; it is relevant in all facets of life and human interaction. It sure makes an interesting reading and though targeted at young adults. It’s a book also for parents.

Also, the author attempts to teach that no matter how hard the battle, good, definitely will always triumph over evil.

In the book are also implied commentaries on certain social vices like bribery, especially by those expected to defend life and property.

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A RICH NIGHTMARE
Reviewer: Ibrahim Sheme.
New Nigerian February 21, 1998

This first novel is the story of the tragic Sunusi Gamba, son of a rich man, and his girlfriend Bilki. The two meet in a chance encounter when Bilki and her roaming, beggar mother return the handsome young man’s lost wallet to him. Finding it difficult to see him because “he has no time to entertain beggars,” Bilki, who is a school dropout, leaves a moving note for him as well as his wallet.

Touched by the beggar girl’s erudition and taunting tone, Sunusi embarks on an arduous search for her. And, when they eventually meet, he is struck by her beauty and falls in love there and then. That’s the beginning of the two youths’ painful romance. They face stiff opposition from both sides of their families. Sunusi’s parents had been pressuring him to find a girl with a rich background to marry. The discovery that he is infatuated to a vagabond commoner, daughter of a homeless blind beggar, shocks them. They, therefore, mount a campaign to stunt the relationship.

Sunusi’s first relief comes in the form of acquiescence by both Bilki and her mother, after much dithering, so much so that he virtually becomes a member of the beggar family. He stays more with the two women than with his own family and school. He lodges them in a hotel even as the moralistic Inna, Bilki’s mother, doubts the efficacy of the class differences.

His parents vehemently spurn any move to persuade them to accept the beggar as a proposed in-law. His mother in particular uses Jatau, the thuggish Man Friday in the Gamba family, to eliminate the detested beggars. Jatau kidnaps and hides them in a remote village when Sunusi, with the help of a good cop, finds them, he accommodates them in a personal bungalow of his.

He faces his parents’ anger and his exams boldly, having received Bilki’s solid support. It’s long, however, before the wily Jatau who investigates Sunusi’s movement, finds out that the rebel has reconnected with his love. Inna is killed in a Jatau-led invasion meant to kidnap her. A Maigadi is also killed.

When Hajia Maryam, Sunusi’s mother ‘s attempt to bribe the girl fails, she reverts to her tactic of violence. Sunusi is disowned by his parents. Worse, Bikil runs away. He soon catches up with her and, together, they seek new life in a bush where they are hosted by a Fulani nomad, Jauro. With Jauro’s assistance, they marry at an informal ceremony. Still, the indefatigable major domo, Jatau, finds them and leads a group attack on Jauro’s backwater homestead. In the melee, Jatau is killed by Jauro who, in turn, is gunned down by Bilki’s uncle. The evil uncle is also killed by Sunusi.

A relief would have ensued with the eventual recapitulation of Sunusi’s parents who are pressurised by the visiting Gogo, Hajia Maryam’s mother. Sadly, however, it is too late as Sunusi dies in a hospital from the injuries he sustains in his fight with Bilki’s uncle. He leaves behind a pregnant Bilki whose life is “now a mixture of sorrow and happiness” (p.123). She delivers a baby boy who is named Sunusi Junior. The lesson from the story as contained on p.120, is highlighted in Gogo’s sermon to her daughter and son-in-law: “We are in an era of undue materialism and we must put an end to such unscrupulous attitude. I don’t see any reason why innocent youth should be made to suffer just for being in love with a person from a different social class.” Yushau Abdulhammed Shuaib’s theme is familiar enough. He captures one aspect of our life, which worsens the painful stratification of our society based on class. In these tough times when no one seems to learn any lesson, Nightmare for the Rich is a great reminder that rich people shouldn’t remain obsessed with class differences. Sounding like an Indian movie romance, the story borrows from the indigenous Hausa-Fulani culture to make its point most memorable. It will certainly appeal to the youth and young-at-heart, but it should also interest the rich whose insistence on their children marrying only from families of similar status usually causes a lot of heartache on both sides.

Shuaib’s story, however, is marred by excess typographical and even grammatical errors. The book should have been properly edited before publishing. The author has a gripping tale; he has promise of becoming a fine writer. With adequate encouragement, this promise could be realised.

Born in 1969 in Kano, Shuaib holds a 1992 bachelor’s degree in Mass Communications from the Bayero University, Kano. A winner of a series of extra-curricular prizes, he is at present the Personal Assistant to the Finance Minister of State in Abuja. He wrote Nightmare for the Rich in 1991 when he was in school.

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