Crisis communication teaches one hard truth: silence doesn’t calm a crisis; it fuels it. When leaders fail to engage, their silence is easily read as indifference. That was the uncomfortable impression some participants felt during the second day of the recent National Security Summit organised by the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ) in Abuja, where senior security officials were absent.

Were security chiefs concerned that journalists might demand answers about the persistent allegations linking illegal mining activities in bandit-prone areas to the financing of criminal networks? Could they have been uncomfortable addressing claims that some retired and serving security personnel have been implicated, directly or indirectly, in the worsening insecurity across the country?

Could they also have feared being asked whether the nation’s democratic authorities and security leadership possess the political will and operational latitude required to confront these monumental challenges, especially amid claims that some major financiers and sponsors are known yet remain untouchable?

And what about the resurgence of mass abductions and kidnappings, particularly in schools spreading beyond their traditional epicentres, raising concerns about whether these attacks are being orchestrated for political motives or illicit financial gain?

While there may be no evidence to support such suspicions, insecurity thrives in the shadows where transparency is absent. The summit, themed “Media and Security Agencies as Partners in Nation Building,” was conceived as a platform to foster understanding between two institutions whose responsibilities frequently intersect: the media and the security services.

The opening day was impressive. It drew a diverse audience of journalists, academics, communication specialists, development partners, security personnel, and government officials. The Minister of Information and National Orientation, Malam Mohammed Idris Malagi, was the most senior figure in attendance, adding weight to the proceedings. Discussions focused on strategic communication, responsible journalism, national security, and the importance of collaboration in addressing Nigeria’s complex security challenges.

However, the second day, which was designed as the technical session devoted specifically to national security issues, presented a different picture. The security chiefs whose institutions were central to the conversation were conspicuously absent. More disappointing was the fact that many of them were neither physically present nor represented.

Ironically, the discussions that day could have benefited enormously from their participation. The keynote speaker, Mr. Musikilu Mojeed, President of the International Press Institute (IPI) Nigeria, delivered a well-researched paper on the delicate relationship between the media and security institutions. He examined several historical and contemporary cases that highlighted tensions, misunderstandings, and occasional confrontations between journalists and security agencies.

During his presentation, he referenced the controversial 2014 incident in which security operatives intercepted newspaper distribution vehicles, an episode that drew widespread criticism from media organisations and civil society groups.

What Mr. Mojeed perhaps did not know was that one of the principal actors in that period, former Director of Defence Information, Major General Chris Olukolade (rtd.), was quietly seated at the back of the hall with a former Director of Naval Information, Commodore Kabir Aliyu (rtd.). I was privileged to sit beside them as the presentation progressed.

General Olukolade, currently the Chairman of the Centre for Crisis Communication (CCC) is not known for reopening old controversies. In fact, he has consistently avoided public discussions about many military operations and sensitive decisions from previous eras. Yet, on this occasion, he felt compelled to provide clarification.

When given the microphone, he explained that at the time, during the administration of Goodluck Jonathan, security agencies were grappling with evolving terrorist tactics, including intelligence reports suggesting that insurgents were exploring unconventional methods of transporting weapons and logistics across the country.

More importantly, he revealed something that many critics may not have known: the security command later acknowledged public concerns over the incident and apologised. According to him, lessons were learned, and safeguards were introduced to ensure that such actions would not recur. He added that dialogue often achieves what assumptions cannot.

To my surprise, I was also invited to the podium to contribute to the discussion on media-security relations. My intervention was modest. Rather than focusing on disagreements, I chose to highlight examples of productive collaboration between journalists and security agencies through the Forum of Spokespersons of Security and Response Agencies (FOSSRA), an initiative once chaired by General Olukolade and later by the late Major General Abubakar Rabe.

I remembered the professionalism of editors who placed national interest above sensational headlines. One notable example involved a senior editor of ThisDay Newspaper, Ms Ijeoma Nwogwugwu, who received a late-night request in June 2013 from military authorities regarding a specific word used in a report on insurgency operations. The concern was that publishing certain details could jeopardise an ongoing mission. After reviewing the implications, the newspaper agreed and made the adjustment. The operation was subsequently adjudged successful.

I also recalled my May 2014 visit to Premium Times’ headquarters after a report on an alleged mutiny by soldiers in Borno State. At the time, I passionately appealed to the newspaper’s leadership to consider replacing the word “mutiny” with “protest” because of the severe legal implications of mutiny under military law. While the then Managing Editor, Musikilu Mojeed, listened attentively and showed understanding, the story had already gained traction elsewhere. Eventually, some of the affected soldiers were convicted of mutiny.

Similarly, I recounted how Mallam Hamza Idris, then Daily Trust Bureau Chief in Borno in February 2015, filed what appeared to be a routine report. Security officials later raised concerns that the unpublished story, though harmless on the surface, could inadvertently expose troop movements and operational plans. After assessing the potential consequences, the editorial leadership of Weekend Daily Trust sacrificed what was scheduled to be a front-page lead in the interest of national security.

That same year, two Nigerian journalists working for foreign media were briefly detained in a Borno hotel, an action taken purely for their safety, though widely misinterpreted. During major anti‑insurgency operations, senior media executives were routinely briefed. And despite criticisms of Sahara Reporters’ style, its publisher, Omoyele Sowore, often showed genuine concern for national security. The then NGE President, Femi Adesina, and the Dean of Bureau Chiefs, Yusuf Alli, can attest to the trust and confidentiality that defined those engagements.

The cooperation between the media and security agencies, supported by broader inter‑agency coordination through FOSSRAhelped reduce conflict and contributed significantly to the recovery of dozens of towns from terrorist control ahead of the 2015 election. Although FOSSRA was last chaired by General Rabe before being abandoned under the Buhari administration, its strategic value was clear. Recognising this, NSA Malam Nuhu Ribadu pragmatically revived the mechanism with the Centre for Crisis Communication (CCC) as technical partner. Unfortunately, that effort was later undermined by unprofessional insiders whose motives remain questionable.

These examples demonstrate that the relationship between the media and security agencies has not always been characterised by hostility. There have been countless instances of cooperation, understanding, and mutual respect.

That is precisely why the absence of serving security chiefs from the second day of the summit was disappointing. The gathering offered a rare opportunity for frank conversations, confidence-building, and institutional learning. Meanwhile, the communiqu issued at the end of the two-day summit, signed by NUJ President Comrade Alhassan Yahaya Abdullahi, captured many of the concerns raised during the discussions. Most importantly, participants reaffirmed that national security and sustainable development depend on strong, transparent, and accountable partnerships among the media, security agencies, government institutions, and citizens.

It is expected that next time an invitation is extended, they will honour it, especially when it comes from a respected and trusted ally whose partnership is vital to national security.

Yushau A. Shuaib is the author of An Encounter with the Spymaster. yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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In the last two months, Kwara State politics has gradually transformed into a sophisticated chessboard where strategic calculations, silent alliances, political decoys, and subtle manoeuvres are unfolding behind the scenes.

The emergence of candidates by the major political parties may appear straightforward. But to close watchers of Kwara politics, developments within both the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) reveal a deeper contest driven by strategy, ambition, and political survival.

Indeed, some aspirants spent huge sums purchasing nomination forms and mobilising supporters, yet even within their own camps, many understood that certain ambitions were less about actual victory and more about tactical positioning in a larger political chess game.

The first major surprise came when Governor AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq publicly endorsed Ambassador Yahaya Seriki from the Ilorin Emirate in Kwara Central Senatorial District as his preferred successor. That endorsement appeared to settle months of speculation suggesting that the governor was quietly promoting a candidate from the predominantly non-Yoruba-speaking Kwara North, allegedly in response to perceived preferences from influential interests in Abuja for a candidate from the Yoruba-speaking Kwara South.

Yet, in a dramatic twist, the governors preferred consensus arrangement was eventually jettisoned by the APC national leadership, which insisted on a direct primary election.

At the end of the tense two-day exercise, the Speaker of the Kwara State House of Assembly, Salihu Yakubu Danladi from Kwara North, defeated all the aspirantsmost of whom were from the Ilorin Emirate in Kwara Centralincluding a respected lawyer, professor, businessmen, heads of federal institutions, as well as serving and former senators, to clinch the APC governorship ticket.

But the counter-move from the PDP was equally strategic. Reading the unfolding permutationsand noting the implications of the APC producing a Kwara North candidate despite the dominance of aspirants from the Ilorin Emirate in Kwara Centralthe PDP leadership, under former Senate President and two‑term governor Bukola Saraki, quickly moved to unify its ranks. The party rallied other aspirants behind Engr. Sulaiman Bolakale Kawu Agaka, a Yoruba‑speaking Fulani from Ilorin, as its consensus candidate, signalling a strategic attempt to consolidate the traditional Kwara Central political bloc.

Thus, the stage was set for another major political confrontation in Kwaraone that revives the enduring Saraki-AbdulRazaq rivalry that has largely defined the states political direction since 1999, and not necessarily from the 2019 O To Ge political revolution alone.

Meanwhile, emerging opposition parties have also unveiled their governorship candidates. The African Democratic Congress (ADC) has announced Hon. Zakari Mohammed, a former member of the House of Representatives from Kwara North, as its consensus flag-bearer. Similarly, there is also media speculation that National Democratic Congress (NDC) is poised to either endorse Mallam AbdulRahman Giwa, a cousin of the governor from Kwara Central or Engr Jamiu Bolaji as its candidate.

Whether these emerging parties are genuine alternative platforms or merely strategic spoilers capable of weakening stronger contenders within their respective senatorial zones remains a matter of political interpretation.

Without venturing into speculative calculations about voter distribution across Kwara North, Kwara South, and Kwara Centralwhich could be both instructive and politically sensitiveone indisputable reality remains: both Yakubu Danladi and Bolakale Kawu have emerged as the major contenders, each possessing distinguished professional and personal credentials beyond partisan politics.

Born on May 31, 1985, in Gwanara, Baruten Local Government Area, Yakubu Danladi hails from a modest but respected family. The son of the late Alhaji Salihu Aliyu, the Tafarkin Borgu, his journey reflects discipline, focus, and steady growth. He completed his secondary education at St. Anthony Secondary School, Ilorin in 2001, before earning both National and Higher National Diplomas in Electrical/Electronic Engineering from Kaduna Polytechnic, followed by a Bachelor of Engineering degree from the Federal University of Technology (FUT), Minna.

He lectured at FUT Minna from 2010 to 2018 before venturing into politics in 2019 where he won the Ilesha/Gwanara Constituency seat and, at just 34, became Speaker of the 9th Kwara State House of Assemblyone of the youngest in Nigeria. He retained both his seat and speakership in 2023, strengthening his influence within the APC.

His PDP challenger, Engr. Bolakale Kawu Agaka was born on May 1, 1969, in Ilorin. He hails from the Agaka lineage within the celebrated Alimi dynasty of the Ilorin Emirate. His educational background spans Electrical Power Engineering, Administration, and Business Management, with qualifications from Kwara State Polytechnic, Federal University of Technology Akure, and Ladoke Akintola University of Technology.

Following his National Youth Service with the defunct National Electric Power Authority (NEPA) in 1996, he built an extensive career within Nigerias power sector, eventually rising to become Executive Director of the Rural Electrification Agency before retiring from public service in 2025.

Throughout his years in service, Kawu developed a reputation for philanthropy, youth empowerment, and community development. Significantly, Governor AbdulRazaq himself publicly commended his contributions during his turbaning as Dan Iyan Ilorin in 2022.

Today, beyond his technocratic credentials, Kawu also carries the influential traditional title of Daniyan of Ilorina title that gives him considerable cultural and social influence within the Ilorin Emirate.

What makes the unfolding contest particularly fascinating is that both parties appear to have chosen their candidates not merely on popularity, but through deeper strategic calculations involving geography, identity, succession balance, and voter psychology.

For the APC, presenting a youthful Speaker from Kwara North signals a strategic bid to consolidate northern support while leveraging the advantages of incumbency. For the PDP, rallying behind a respected technocrat and traditional titleholder from the Ilorin Emirate reflects an effort to rebuild the Saraki‑era coalition in Kwara Central while appealing to both elite and grassroots sentiments.

Beyond posters and endorsements, Kwara 2027 is quietly unfolding as a sophisticated political chessboard. If Kwara North aligns firmly with Danladi and Kwara Central stands solidly behind Kawu, could Kwara South become the decisive battleground? In this evolving contest, the next governor is likely to emerge from the camp that best understands the delicate arithmetic, emotional undercurrents, and shifting dynamics of Kwaras political chess game.

Yushau A. Shuaib is author of An Encounter with the Spymaster yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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A single word has quietly colonised Nigerias pre-election vocabulary consensus. It is deployed with confidence, knowing they will not be challenged. Yet what is being paraded as consensus in many states today is nothing of the sort. It is imposition laundered, repackaged, and dressed in democratic clothing.

With the 2027 elections only months away, at least 22 governors have already endorsed President Bola Ahmed Tinubu as their consensus presidential candidate. At the state level, these same governors are replicating the model downward anointing successors, selecting senators, choosing members of the House of Representatives, and determining state assembly tickets. Children of politicians, relatives of the wealthy, and allies of the powerful some lacking experience, exposure, or even basic qualifications are suddenly emerging as consensus candidates.

Meanwhile, the electorate, for whom this entire democratic architecture supposedly exists, watches from the sidelines. This is not a democracy. It is a hostage situation in Agbada.

This crisis traces back to President Bola Tinubus closed-door meeting with APC governors, after which he effectively empowered 31 of them to determine the fate of aspirants in their states. Kwara State Governor AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq later confirmed that the President had given governors latitude to conduct primaries through consensus or direct voting. What sounded procedural in Abuja has since reshaped politics nationwide, granting governors sweeping control over who advances and who is quietly removed from the path.

Senior lawmakers reportedly appealed to the President for automatic tickets, but he maintained that governors hold the real influence in their states. The result is growing unease within the party, especially among federal legislators who lack strong ties to their governors.

One is tempted to feel sympathy for these lawmakers. One is tempted but it is difficult. Many of them helped build this structure. They defected, genuflected, and complied only to now discover that the machinery of impunity does not distinguish between victims and collaborators.

This pattern is already visible across several states. In Nasarawa, Governor Abdullahi Sule has named Senator Ahmed Wadada as his preferred successor, while associates of former Inspector General of Police Mohammed Adamu allege pressure on ward executives to endorse that choice. In Ebonyi, Governor Francis Nwifuru presided over a meeting where aspirants were openly anointed, prompting former Governor David Umahi to insist that no one be barred from buying forms. The state APC later warned that defying the governors directive would be treated as disloyalty.

In Adamawa, elders of the Gongola Peoples rejected what they described as attempts to impose a governorship candidate. In Ogun, APC members in Ijebu East protested alleged imposition of legislative candidates. In Yobe, a photograph of Governor Mai Mala Buni raising a preferred aspirants hand signalled that the decision had effectively been made.

Similar tensions are emerging elsewhere: in Borno, Governor Babagana Zulum is reported to have endorsed a preferred aspirant against the wishes of Vice President Kashim Shettima. In Kwara, Governor AbdulRahman AbdulRazaqs choice is said to conflict with preferences attributed to the presidency. Reports from Gombe also suggest resistance to a candidate viewed as misaligned with local expectations.

The deeper danger is that manipulation can hide inside the law itself. The Electoral Act permits consensus primaries, and INECs 2026 Regulations allow parties to choose candidates through direct, indirect, or consensus methods. Consensus, when genuinely negotiated, is lawful and even efficient. But there is a vast difference between a true consensus and one manufactured through gubernatorial pressure. One reflects democracy; the other is a procedural disguise for illegitimacy.

What is at stake is not the comfort of politicians but the confidence of 93 million registered voters heading into the 2027 elections. Many already believe their votes do not matter and that outcomes are predetermined a belief reinforced by a triangle of compromise involving security agencies, INEC, and the judiciary.

Political elites deepen this distrust by framing defections to the ruling party as guarantees of victory, regardless of voter choice. When governors hand pick candidates before delegates even vote, they are not only sidelining aspirants they are sidelining the voter. The message is unmistakable: your preference was never part of the process.

This is the quiet coup no one is naming loudly enough. The ballot box is becoming a prop a ritual used to ratify decisions already made in government houses across the 36 states.

At this critical juncture, three institutions must rise to the occasion. First, the President, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, as leader of the ruling establishment, must resist the temptation to condone or benefit from these distortions. Leadership demands not just political survival but the protection of democratic norms. Silence risks normalising practices that undermine the system itself.

Second, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), under Chairman Prof. Joash Amupitan, must assert its constitutional authority more firmly. It is not enough to supervise general elections while ignoring the flawed processes that produce candidates. Electoral integrity begins at the primaries. Without credible candidate selection, even the most transparent general election becomes a compromised exercise.

Third, the judiciary, long regarded as the last hope of the common man, must guard against becoming an instrument for legitimising illegitimacy. The Chief Justice of Nigeria, Hon. Justice Kudirat Kekere Ekun, must ensure that courts prioritise substantive justice over technicalities. A judiciary that consistently validates the outcomes of corrupt processes becomes a co author of those processes. History does not forgive that.

Ultimately, the greatest casualty of consensus abuse is the Nigerian voter. Nigerias political history shows that imposed candidates rarely produce stability: the winner of a manipulated primary often enters the general election weakened, while the aspirant who quietly accepts a consensus defeat may later contribute to the partys internal fractures. The fallout between Atiku Abubakar and Nyesom Wike in 2023 remains a reminder of how unresolved disputes can shape a partys future. Voters, too after being told their voices do not matter tend to remember, and sometimes respond decisively.

Nigeria is approaching another such moment. Reports indicate that within the major opposition party, supporters of Peter Obi and Rabiu Kwankwaso are considering defections to other platforms due to internal tensions involving Atiku Abubakar. Meanwhile, decisions being made in government houses across the federation will shape far more than who wins in 2027. They will determine whether that election strengthens Nigerias democratic development or accelerates its democratic decline.

The coming week may prove decisive for the political process leading to the 2027 general election. The gladiators may be deciding the tickets. But the people sovereign, long suffering, and watching will have the final say. They always do.

Yushau A. ShuaibAuthor of A Dozen Tips for Media Relations, yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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After watching a viral video by activist lawyer, Barrister A. A. Askira, on the alleged conversion of a public health facility into a private estate in Wuye District, Abuja, I felt compelled to write this open memo to the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wikearguably one of the most powerful figures in the administration of Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

Plot 546 in Cadastral Zone B03, Wuye District3.171 hectares directly opposite the Wuye Ultra‑Modern Market, behind a public secondary school and beside the Wuye Police Stationhas now been reallocated to a Lagos-based Full Moon Estate Developers Ltd for a private residential project.

During my visit, the signboard showed a building approval dated 5 March 2026, file number FCDA/DC/BP/RSD/PHSII/31854, with Engr. Ose Peter Afeanaje is listed as the site engineer. As of Sunday, 3 May 2026, the ground-floor structures were nearing completion, raising questions about the pace of construction barely a month after approval.

Wike is, without ambiguity, a study in contrasts. On one hand, he is a forceful executor of infrastructureroads are built, bridges rise, and long‑abandoned projects receive new life. On the other hand, his political methods and administrative choices often provoke unease, even outrage. He is a figure capable of undoing with the same intensity he uses to build, considering his role in the internal collapse of the PDP during the 2023 presidential electionwhere neither Atiku Abubakar nor Peter Obi benefited while the outcome favoured Tinubus APCand in the continued weakening of the opposition for a repeat in 2027, which many attribute to his influence. These are the twin faces frequently associated with Nyesom Wike: builder and demolisher, reformer and spoiler, simultaneously. It is precisely this dualityof brilliance and belligerencethat makes the Wuye Hospital controversy so urgent and troubling. Here, the demolisher appears to overshadow the builder.

As Minister, Wike has indeed accelerated development across Abuja, building on funds and frameworks initiated by predecessors. His imprint on road networks and urban renewal is visible. Yet, governance is not only about what is built; it is equally about what is preserved. And in this case, what appears to be under threat is not just land, but public trust.

My concern is deeply personal. I have lived in Wuye District for over three decadeslong before it became the bustling urban enclave it is today. Back then, much of the area was forested, with only a few estates, such as Finance Estate, dotting the landscape. The Abuja master plan was clear and deliberate: it provided for essential public infrastructureschools, places of worship, police stations, green areas, and, critically, hospitals.

That master plan was not theoretical. It was defended. I recall how lands designated for places of worship, especially mosques, were nearly lost to encroachment until the intervention of former National Security Adviser Sambo Dasuki and former FCT Minister Bala Mohammed, who ensured that religious equity and urban balance were restored. Those precedent mattersit shows that when leadership acts, the integrity of the city can be protected.

It is therefore alarming that a prime plot of land originally designated for a public hospital in Wuye has been reallocated to a private company based in Lagoswhich was only registered a few years agofor the construction of residential properties. If this claim holds, it represents not just a policy misstep but a betrayal of planning principles.

Across Abuja, districts such as Asokoro, Garki, Wuse, Maitama, and even Kubwa have functional hospitals located on lands reserved for such purposes. Wuye, despite its rapid population growth and strategic importance, has remained without its designated hospital even though Plot 546, a 3.171-hectare site had been reserved for generations as Wuye Districts public hospital. To now reallocate it to a private Lagos developer is not just an administrative oversight. It is a betrayal of public trust signed, sealed, and fenced. it is, in the words I reluctantly choose, wickedly wicked.

Urban planning is not an arbitrary exercise. Hospitals are not luxury items to be traded for profit. They are lifelinesespecially in emergencies where proximity can mean the difference between life and death. In a country where healthcare access is already strained, deliberately shrinking public health infrastructure is indefensible.

Residents of Abuja have, over time, watched in uneasy silence as green areas, waterways, and recreational spaces gradually give way to private developments. This silence has often been mistaken for acceptance. It is not. It is restraintborn out of a desire for peace, and perhaps a belief that accountability will eventually catch up with excesses.

But there must be a line. Converting a hospital site into private mansions crosses that line. It signals a dangerous precedent where no public asset is safe from elite capture. Today it is a hospital; tomorrow it could be a school, a police post, a fire station or even a public graveyard.

Even more concerning is the pattern of questionable project execution. Streetlights installed over a year ago in parts of Wuye remain non-functionalnever blinking, never serving their purpose. Contractors appear to have been paid, yet the community remains in darkness. If such basic infrastructure cannot be delivered effectively, how do we justify reallocating critical health infrastructure?

Honourable Minister, this is an appealnot a confrontation. You have demonstrated capacity. You have shown that when you choose to act, results follow. This is an opportunity to act againthis time, not by constructing something new, but by protecting what rightfully belongs to the public.

Our appeal is: Rescind the allocation of the Wuye hospital land to the Lagos‑based Full Moon Estate Developers Ltd, halt all construction pending a full review, direct the FCDA to begin planning the Wuye District General Hospital on its originally designated site, and hold accountable any officials who may have facilitated the diversion of a public asset for private gain.

History will not judge this moment by the number of roads constructed or bridges commissioned. It will judge it by whether the rights of ordinary citizens were protected against the excesses of power.

Wuye does not need another estate for the wealthy. It needs a hospital for the people. Anything less would not just be unfortunate. It would be unjust.

Yushau A. Shuaib Author of “An Encounter with the Spymaster,” writes from yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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Nigerias political landscape is gradually heating up ahead of the 2027 general elections. Yet, beyond permutations of power, recent personal encounters have exposed a deeper concernhow dangerously our national discourse is drifting toward divisive narratives of religion and ethnicity.

Recently, I confronted a disturbing social media post by a purported Northern Muslim denigrating Jesus over political provocation. As a devout Muslim, I condemned the post unequivocally. Such conduct is not only irresponsible but fundamentally contradicts Islamic teachings. The Holy Quran accords profound respect to Christians and Jews, and to their scriptures, while honouring Jesus as the Messiah and the Word of God.

In urging restraint, I appreciated the solidarity shown by members of the Christian community and reminded both faiths that they share far more in common than what divides them. Yet, within hours, another troubling episode emerged. A Nigerian-born commentator based in America, Ejike Okpa, posted Facebook content portraying Muslims as terrorists. As a friend, I simply responded: I am a Muslim, not a terrorist. The reactions and comments that followed, especially from those I often referred to as Werekaci were unsettling and disgustingand it raised a fundamental question: will religion and ethnicity shape the political choices of the next generation as we approach 2027?

It was against this backdrop that I joined the Editor of Economic Confidential, Abdulrahman Abdulrazaq, in the inaugural PRNigeria Journalist vs PR Strategist podcast debate on whether an emerging opposition coalition could unseat an incumbent administration. While my colleague is an avowed supporter of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, I deliberately adopted a balanced positiongrounded in facts and objective analysis.

At the centre of current political calculations is the African Democratic Congress (ADC), which is evolving into the most formidable opposition alliance, similar to a coalition that eventually produced the All-Progressives Congress (APC), with Muhammadu Buhari as its presidential candidate. It was the coalition that ultimately unseated the then‑ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) under President Goodluck Jonathan in 2015.

The irony is striking. Several of the very architects of that 2015 APC triumph Atiku Abubakar, Rabiu Kwankwaso, Nasir el-Rufai, Rotimi Amaechi, Aminu Tambuwal, Rauf Aregbesola have now converged on the ADC to challenge the very man whose political machinery was central to that historic victory: Bola Tinubu.

History offers perspective. The 2015 Buharis APC coalition secured about 15 million votes (53%), defeating Jonathans 12 million (44%). It was a coalition built on strategy, shared grievance, and disciplined unity.

By contrast, the 2023 election was the most competitive since 1999. Tinubu won with 8.7 million votes (36.61%). Atiku Abubakar secured 6.9 million (29.07%). Peter Obi (Labour Party) garnered 6.1 million votes (25.40%), while Kwankwaso (NNPP) obtained 1.4 million votes (6.23%). Notably, the top three candidates each won 12 states, while Kwankwaso secured only Kano State.

Although Tinubu, who chose Senator Kashim Shettima as his running mate, met the constitutional threshold of 25% in at least 24 states, the geography of the vote revealed a fragmented mandate. Tinubu dominated the Southwest and parts of the North-Central, but Peter Obi achieved the unthinkable by defeating the incumbent in his Lagos stronghold, sweeping all the southeastern states and FCT. Meanwhile, Atiku Abubakar cleared most of the Northeast and Northwest.

More significantly, the combined votes of Atiku, Obi, and Kwankwaso exceeded 15 millionnearly double Tinubus tally. On paper, this arithmetic presents a compelling case for a unified opposition. Together, they commanded electoral strength across more than 25 statesenough to satisfy constitutional requirements. But elections are not won on arithmetic alone.

The real challenge lies in unity, ego management, and coalition discipline. Nigerian political history is replete with alliances that collapsed under the weight of personal ambition. The same forces that could make the opposition formidable could also render it fragile.

The 2023 experience is instructive. Obis refusal to serve as a running mate and Atikus miscalculation in overlooking Nyesom Wike as his deputy weakened the opposition and accelerated the fragmentation of the PDPa party that once governed Nigeria for sixteen years.

While an AtikuObi alignment may constitute the most formidable opposition configuration against the TinubuShettima ticket, alternative permutations are likely to be politically unviable or suicidal.

While an AtikuObi alignment would represent the strongest opposition configuration against the TinubuShettima ticket, alternative permutations may amount to political futility or suicidal.

While the opposition coalition is anchoring its campaign on prevailing insecurity and socioeconomic instability, President Tinubus administration has taken steps to address political sensitivities. Northerners occupy key security positions, including the Defence Ministers and the National Security Adviser, while prominent Christians head major economic institutions, including the Finance Ministers and the Central Bank Governormoves widely interpreted as efforts to balance concerns arising from the Muslim-Muslim ticket.

The administrations revenue reforms particularly through the Nigeria Revenue Service (NRS) have also increased allocations to subnational governments via the Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC). Similarly, Nigerias measured diplomatic response to external pressures, including reckless remarks by U.S. President Donald Trump on alleged religious persecution, averted unnecessary geopolitical escalation seen in countries such as Venezuela and Iran.

Yet, beyond governance, the power of incumbency remains decisive. Control of institutions, influence over political structures, and access to state resources often shape electoral outcomes beyond public sentiment.

Equally concerning is the growing intrusion of ethnoreligious sentiment into political discourse. Supporter groups across party lines have, at times, resorted to divisive rhetoric that undermines national cohesion. If unchecked, such narratives risk overshadowing critical debates on the economy, security, and governance.

There is also the question of external influence. Claims that foreign actors could shape Nigerias electoral outcomes should be approached with caution. Global experience suggests that domestic realities ultimately prevail.

For both the ruling party and the opposition, the lessons are clear. If the opposition fails to consolidate, history may repeat itself. Similarly, if the ruling party becomes power drunk or tampers with its winning formula, it could also face unexpected consequences. In the end, 2027 will not merely be a contest of candidatesit will be a test of democratic maturity.

The gladiators on both sides would do well to study history. Nigeria has seen this script beforeand the ending is rarely flattering.

Yushau A. Shuaib is the author of An Encounter with the Spymaster. Email: yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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From the airport to the city centre, one could not miss the growing visibility of Professor Ali Isa Pantami, the former Minister of Communication and Digital Economy. His images adorned commercial vehicles and strategic locations, signalling what many interpret as an early but deliberate build-up of political momentum.

I must state upfront that Pantami is a brotherly friend with whom I have shared years of a professional relationship. He listens, reflects, and applies constructive criticismeven when such engagement is not publicly acknowledged. Over time, this trait has shaped my own perspective about him, transforming me from a critic into an admirer of his policy-driven approach to governance.

This evolution informed my decision to author Pantami: Trials and Triumphs of a Digital Economy Maestro, a work that chronicles his reform agenda, policy battles, achievements, and controversies during his tenure in public office. His role in navigating complex institutional disputesfrom multiple taxation in the telecom sector to the NIN-SIM linkage challenges and stamp duty controversiesdemonstrated an uncommon capacity to manage bureaucratic tensions within Nigerias digital ecosystem.

Equally significant were the external pressures he confronted, including the ASUU versus IPPIS/UTAS dispute, the controversy surrounding his professorship at Federal University of Technology Owerri (FUTO), and allegations linking him to extremist narratives. These episodes tested his resilience, yet they also reinforced his ability to withstand public scrutiny.

Beyond controversies, Pantamis legacy in expanding Nigerias digital infrastructure is undeniable. Institutions such as the National Centre for Artificial Intelligence and Robotics (NCAIR), the Office for Nigerian Digital Innovation (ONDI), the National Digital Innovation and Entrepreneurship Centre (NDIEC), and the Nigerian Data Protection Commission (NDPC) stand as enduring pillars of his contribution to the countrys digital transformation. These initiatives not only strengthened the countrys digital ecosystem but also created new economic opportunities.

Given this background, his entry into the gubernatorial race under the All Progressives Congress (APC) was not a surprise. What is more intriguing, however, is the intensity of reactionsboth supportive and oppositionalthat his ambition has generated.

During my interactions with journalists, academics, students, and even artisans in Gombe, I sought to understand the political terrain beyond social media narratives. The responses I received were candid, diverse, and, in some cases, sobering.

There are indeed forcesboth within the state and at the federal levelwho would prefer alternative candidates to emerge as the APC flag bearer. For some, Pantamis perceived bluntness, independent-mindedness, and principled stances make him a difficult figure within conventional political structures. For others, it is simply a matter of competing interests and entrenched loyalties.

To move beyond speculation, I probed further: who are the likely contenders?
At the federal level, names such as Senator Saidu Ahmed Alkalia two-term senator and former Minister of Transportationfeature prominently. His political network and relationship with Vice President Kashim Shettima are seen as strategic advantages. Similarly, Hon. Usman Bello Kumo, a three-term member of the House of Representatives and Chief Whip, is widely regarded as a formidable contender with strong legislative backing.

Within the state, influential figures such as the Commissioner for Finance and Economic Development, Muhammad Gambo Magaji, and the Accountant-General, Prince Aminu Umar Yugudaboth considered close allies of Governor Inuwa Yahayaare also being mentioned in political calculations.

From the private sector, Dr. Jamilu Isyaku Gwamna, former Managing Director of the Kano Electricity Distribution Company (KEDCO), is reputed to possess strong financial backing and elite networks. Other notable figures include Architect Yunusa Yakubu of Nobel Nigeria Ltd and Engr. Aliyu Mohammed (Combat) of the Velocity Groupboth successful entrepreneurs with growing political interest.

While many of these aspirants are yet to formally declare their intentions, Pantami has already taken the decisive step of publicly announcing his ambitionan indication of confidence and readiness.

The critical question, however, is not just about who is contesting, but what the electorate truly desires. Pantami arguably enjoys a unique advantage in name recognition, intellectual pedigree, and a public service track record that resonates beyond partisan lines. His blend of religious scholarship, technological expertise, and administrative experience positions him differently from traditional politicians.

Yet, politics is rarely decided by credentials alone.

There are legitimate concerns about whether his technocratic style can seamlessly translate into grassroots political leadership. There are also debates about the role of religious scholars in partisan politicsa discourse that often surfaces in Nigerias complex socio-political environment.

However, such arguments must be approached with balance. Nigeria has seen Christian clerics ascend to governorships. The 2023 elections were spectacular as two ordained Christian ministers Rev. Fr. Dr. Hyacinth Iormem Alia, a Catholic priest, and Pastor Umo Eno, founder of All Nations Christian Ministry International were sworn in as Governors of Benue and Akwa Ibom States, respectively. Many observers viewed this as a culmination of longstanding advocacy by the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) for greater Christian participation in politics.

It would therefore be inconsistent to deny an Islamic scholar the same democratic opportunity to test his competence through the ballot. Ultimately, democracy thrives on choice, not exclusion.

As observersparticularly those of us who are not direct participants in Gombes political processit is neither our place to impose candidates nor to dismiss legitimate aspirations. We can advocate for a fair, transparent, and competitive process that lets the best ideas and leadership qualities emerge.

Yushau A. Shuaib, the Author of An Encounter with the Spymaster writes from ysashuaib@yashuaib.com

The post The Gombe Succession: Who is Afraid of the Pantami Factor appeared first on YAShuaib.

Some call it the law of karma. I prefer the older formulation: what you do unto others shall, in time, be done unto you. Nigerias recent political history offers few more instructive illustrations of this truth than the parallel fates of Sambo Dasuki and Abubakar Malami.

Those expressing sympathy for former Attorney‑General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami, over his current ordeal with the EFCC and the DSS may have conveniently forgotten what befell former National Security Adviser (NSA), retired Colonel Sambo Dasukiarrested barely a day after handing over office. His story remains one of the most troubling indictments of executive overreach in Nigerias democratic era: a case study in how personal vendetta, political score‑settling, and institutional disregard for judicial authority can be disguised as the pursuit of justice.

The roots of the Dasuki saga run deep into Nigerias military past. Dasuki played a significant role in financing and facilitating the 1983 coup that brought General Muhammadu Buhari to power according to retired Colonel Mustapha Jokolo, Buharis former ADC. He was also involved in the 1985 countercoup that removed Buhari and installed General Ibrahim Babangida, though he was not among those who physically arrested Buhari. Colonel Abdulmumini Aminu, who led that operation, confirmed that he and three others actually carried out the arrest without Dasuki. These historical details matter because the bitterness they produced never fully disappeared.

Dasuki was arrested in late 2015 and charged with money laundering over the alleged diversion of arms‑procurement funds during the Jonathan administration. What his accusers refused to acknowledge, however, was that during his tenure as NSA dozens of towns were successfully reclaimed from terrorists. It was also a period when banditry had not yet taken root in the Northwest or North‑Centralan insecurity trend that escalated only later under the Buhari administration.

While the allegations against Dasuki appeared serious on paper, what followed was far worse: a systematic assault on the rule of law.

Multiple courts granted him bail. He met every condition. Yet each time, he was immediately re‑arrested without any new charges. This cycle continued until he became the only public official in Nigerian history to remain in detention despite bail orders from four different courts, including the ECOWAS Court.

In a particularly troubling twist, Malami falsely claimed in a VOA interview that Dasuki had killed 100,000 people and justified his continued detentiondespite multiple bail orderson national‑security grounds. This misinformation and media‑trial posture led to his summons before the LPDC in 2019, where he eventually recanted.

President Buhari later made the administrations stance explicit during a televised media chat, declaring that Dasuki would not be released regardless of court orders and describing him as a security risk. It was a rare moment when executive contempt for judicial authority was openly acknowledged.

Beyond the physical detention, the Buhari era normalised media trialswhere citizens were convicted in the court of public opinion long before any judge had ruled. The EFCC and the DSS were the most notorious instruments of this strategy.

The case of Colonel Nicholas Ashinze illustrates this vividly. Ashinze, a military intelligence officer who played a key role with technical partners in operations that reclaimed territories from Boko Haram, found himself facing charges even as the EFCC issued a statement so inaccurate that it provoked a rare judicial rebuke.

Justice Gabriel Kolawole condemned the EFCCs conduct, describing its statement against Ashinze as scandalous and prejudicial to fair trial. He ordered the agency to apologise publicly to the officer and suspended the trial. The EFCC complied, attributing the falsehoods to an internal mix‑up.

Similarly, the arms probe panel under ONSA, chaired by one Air Vice Marshal Jon Odeh, was disbanded after members were themselves indicted for receiving bribes from individuals they were investigating. These episodes underscored the institutional impunity that characterised the period.

Perhaps the most heartbreaking dimension of Dasukis ordeal was the treatment of his father, the late Alhaji Ibrahim Dasukiformer Sultan of Sokoto and one of Nigerias most revered traditional and Islamic leaders. Despite repeated appeals, he was denied permission to visit his son in detention. He died without seeing him.

This act was widely condemned as unnecessary crueltyan example of how political rivalry had crossed into something far more callous.

By contrast, when the current administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu detained former Kaduna Governor Nasir el-Rufai over corruption charges, he was immediately released following his mothers death. I welcomed the gesture, while wishing that the mercy had come earlier and that no public official should spend more than a month in custody merely awaiting trial. The standard of decency we apply must be consistent, regardless of who occupies the dock.

Dasuki was eventually released on Christmas Eve 2019, after Buharis re‑election. His freedomcoming after more than four years in detentionfelt less like justice and more like a political calculation that had finally run its course.

Contrast this with the treatment of Abubakar Malami, who served as Attorney‑General and Minister of Justice from 2015 to 2023. In 2025, Malami was arrested by the EFCC on allegations ranging from corruption and acquisition of exotic properties to terrorism‑related offences and illegal possession of firearms.

The irony is unmistakable. Malami was the chief law officer who authorised and supervised the prosecution of Dasuki. He wielded the machinery of state prosecution against perceived opponents for eight years. Now he sits where they once saton the receiving end of the same system he helped to shape.

Yet there is a crucial difference. Within two months, Malami was granted bail by both the EFCC and the DSS. There were no sensational media trials. No re‑arrests after meeting bail conditions. No presidential declarations that he would remain detained regardless of court orders. Whatever one thinks of the current administrations handling of the matter, the contrast with the Dasuki precedent is stark.

The Buhari administrations disregard for due process extended beyond political opponents. On June 9, 2016, the Nigerian Army summarily retired 38 senior officersnine major generals, eleven brigadier generals, seven colonels, and eleven lieutenant colonels. They learned of their retirement through the media. Despite vague allegations of professional corruption, none was formally accused, charged, or tried under military law.

These were decorated officers. Colonel Mohammed Suleiman had foiled a Boko Haram attack on Aso Rock. Colonel Danladi Hassan had led troops in reclaiming territories, while Lt. Colonel Mohammed Abdulfatai commanded a special counterinsurgency operation in Konduga that resulted in the elimination of more than 200 terrorists in December 2014. Yet they were dismissed without the dignity of a fair hearing.

The National Industrial Court ruled six times that the retirements were unlawful and ordered reinstatement with full benefits. The Senate and House of Representatives reached the same conclusion. The Army ignored them all. One officer, Ojebo Ochankpa, died in 2017 still awaiting justice.

Nearly a decade later, most remain unreinstatedvindicated by every court, yet denied the justice those courts prescribed.

This is the legacy of the administration that Malami served and defended. By any honest measure, it was one of the most lawless periods in Nigerias democratic history.

While we must insist that Malami receive the fair trial that Dasuki was denied, we must also demand accountability for those who orchestrated the abuses of the pastnot through fresh lawlessness, but through the very institutions they once undermined.

What you do unto others shall be done unto you. The real question is whether, this time, we will do it better.

Yushau A. Shuaib is the author of “An Encounter with the Spymaster” Email: yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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The heartbreaking murder of Malam Bashar Sani, a senior administrator at the College of Education, Maru, is yet another grim reminder of the tragedy consuming Northern Nigeria.

Despite paying more than ₦25.7 million in ransomalongside motorcycles, phones, and airtimeto secure the release of his abducted family members over several years, he was eventually killed by the same bandits he had repeatedly appeased.

For years, these criminals targeted his household: abducting his two wives, his younger brother, and later kidnapping him, his wife, daughter, and several neighbours. Each time, the family mobilised resources, sold assets, and begged for help to meet the bandits escalating demands. Even after paying ₦20 million and later providing additional motorcycles, they were told to wait for further instructions. Unknown to them, Malam Bashar had already died in captivity from torture and untreated injuries. His wife and daughter returned home; he did not.

This tragedy is not isolated. It reflects the deepening insecurity in Zamfara and across the North, where communities are trapped in a vicious cycle of ransom payments, extortion, and violence. Entire villages have been deserted. Others now pay levies and taxes to bandits just to farm, work, or sleep in peace. Families mortgage their homes, auction their belongings, and launch desperate crowdfunding appeals to rescue loved ones.

What is even more disturbing is that many of these atrocities are committed by individuals who speak our language, share our faith, and come from familiar cultural backgroundsyet behave with a level of brutality that defies humanity. It is no longer tenable to pretend that these criminals are ghosts or outsiders alone. The North must confront the painful truth: our own people are deeply involved in this carnage.

In January 2018, I wrote an article titled Still on Murderous Fulani Kidnappers, where I examined how individuals identified as Fulani became entangled in violent kidnappingan occupation previously associated with militants in other regions. Police reports at the time showed suspects confessing to rape, murder, and extreme violence. Here is a smooth, coherent paragraph version of your points:

In that article, I raised questions that still demand answers today: how pastoralists abandoned their traditional livelihood for kidnapping; who supplies them with the sophisticated weapons they wield; why they kill even after collecting ransom; how they acquired the skills to operate like trained militias; and, most importantly, how communities and government can jointly put an end to this madness.

Years earlier, at a 2014 international conference on pastoralism, it was warned that terrorists were disguising themselves as herders to exploit farmerherder tensions. Recommendations for proactive security measures were made, but they were never fully implemented. Today, the consequences are evident.

The conflict has evolved far beyond grazing disputes. It is now driven by economic desperation, weak security structures, and the infiltration of organised criminal networksmany operating near lucrative mining sites across the North-West and North-Central. Maru Local Government, for instance, hosts gold and lithium deposits that have attracted illegal miners and criminal opportunists.

While the establishment of the Federal Ministry of Livestock Development is a step forward, it must be matched with clear land-use policies, mapped grazing routes, and modern livestock systems, such as ranching and livestock-tracking technologies, to reduce clashes and curb cattle theft. Strengthening rural security through community policing, early warning networks, and tighter border control is equally essential.

Dialogue remains important, but past peace deals have repeatedly failed. Banditry must be confronted at its roots by restoring state presence in remote areas, rehabilitating repentant offenders, and dismantling ransom networks. Communities must support security agencies by forming vigilance groups and sharing intelligence.

But beyond government action, the North itself must wake up. No foreign power will save us. No external military presence can solve what is essentially an internal crisis. Outsiders may express concern, but they cannot defend our villages, protect our farms, or rescue our abducted relatives. That responsibility lies with us.

Traditional rulers, religious leaders, community elders, youth groups, and civil society must unite to reclaim our communities. At the same time, rural youth need real alternatives to crime, such as skills training, micro-credit, and agribusiness opportunities.

The North cannot continue outsourcing its survival. Neither Donald Trump, nor his allies in Washington, nor any foreign troops have a genuine stake in the security of Northern communities. Stability will not be imported from abroad. The Norths salvation will come from within or it will not come at all. We must confront the monsters in their own styles, mercilessly, fearlessly, courageously, and, if necessary, brutally too not in lawlessness, but in the unwavering defence of our people, our dignity, and our future.

We must protect our communities, demand accountability from leaders and security agencies, and refuse to surrender our land to criminals who speak our language yet betray our faith and values.

There is a verse in the Holy Quran that I have returned to often in these dark times:
Fear a tumult which will affect not only those who caused it, but also the innocent among you. (Quran 8:25).

That tumult is already here. If we fail to confront banditry collectivelybeyond the rhetoric the cycle of violence will persist, and more innocent lives like that of Malam Bashar Sani will be lost.

The question now is whether we will act before more innocent lives are lost.

Our destiny is in our own hands. And the time to act is now.

Yushau A. Shuaib, an Author and PR Practitioner, yashuaib@yashuaib.com

The post Enough Is Enough: After Bashar Sanis Death, the North Must Finally Confront Its Own Monsters appeared first on YAShuaib.

Among the current crop of Nigerias security chiefs, perhaps none is as widely respected for his professional record as the Director General of the Department of State Services (DSS), Adeola Oluwatosin Ajayi. Since his assumption of office, he has been celebrated as a quintessential officerone who is neither a religious bigot nor an ethnocentric partisan. His track record in states like Bauchi and Kaduna reflects a man who understands the delicate fabric of our diverse society and has often supported Muslim communal activities with the same zeal he applies to national security.

It is precisely because of this high regard that I find myself profoundly bewildered. Why is it that this same leadership, credited with a commitment to due process, appears to be wavering in the face of a clear court order? I am referring to the case of Walida Abdulhadi Ibrahim, a young Muslim girl from Jigawa State, and the stalled prosecution of a DSS operative, Ifeanyi Onyewuenyi, accused of her abduction, sexual exploitation, and forced conversion to Christianity.

This disturbing saga echoes the 20152016 Ese Oruru case. The nation vividly remembers how a teenage girl from Bayelsa was taken to Kano by Yunusa Dahiru (popularly known as Yellow), where she was allegedly converted to Islam and impregnated. The public outcry at the time was overwhelming. The media, civil society, and the international community demanded swift justice.

The Bayelsa State Government under Governor Seriake Dickson intervened decisively providing medical care, insisting on a thorough investigation, and ensuring prosecution. Yunusa Dahiru was eventually convicted and jailed. Ese Oruru received rehabilitation and later graduated from the University of Ilorin in flying colour

In my recent essay, From Ese Oruru to Walida: Unmasking Selective Outrage, I asked a rhetorical question that now feels prophetic: Would Walidas case attract the same moral panic? Or would it be quietly buried because it doesn’t fit a convenient narrative of religious persecution? My fears are being validated by the day.

A coalition of civil society and faith-based organisations recently raised the alarm in Abuja, accusing the DSS of violating a subsisting court order directing the release of 16-year-old Walida to her family. They specifically named DSS officer Ifeanyi Onyewuenyi as central to the allegations and called for his prosecution should any culpability be established.

A petition filed by Gamji Lawchain paints a disturbing picture: a minor allegedly abducted two years ago, held in unlawful custody, and denied access to her parents. Her father maintains that the trauma of this ordeal contributed directly to the untimely death of Walidas mother.

At the heart of the controversy is the DSS acting simultaneously as custodian and investigator a clear conflict of interest. Compounding this is a suspicious dispute over her age. While the family insists she is 16, there are attempts to portray her as a 22-year-old adult. An independent, document-based verification of her age is essential. Anything less would undermine the integrity of our child protection laws.

Strangely, a group known as the Arewa Youth Assembly (AYA) has issued a counter message, claiming that she left home in 2023 and was taken by a woman called Maryam later identified as Chinaza who allegedly converted her to Christianity. The AYA leader, Salihu Danlami, further asserted that Walida underwent a mental evaluation and is stable and happy with her captor. Such claims overlook the well documented psychological phenomenon known as Stockholm Syndrome.

We have seen this before in the North-East; rescued Chibok and Dapchi girls have, at times, expressed a desire to return to their abusers after rescue from ISWAP/Boko Haram, exhibiting emotional bonds with their captors as a survival-driven coping mechanism. A girl who has been serially abused and impregnated outside of matrimony cannot be declared “mentally stable” by a youth group in a press conference. She requires clinical rehabilitation, not media interviews.

The DSS must comply fully with judicial directives concerning Walidas custody and potential reunification with her family. A neutral, independent inquiry into the allegations against the DSS operative should be conducted. If found guilty, he must face the full weight of the lawjust as Yunusa Dahiru did in the Ese Oruru case.

There must also be transparent verification of Walidas age through credible documentation and independent scrutiny. NAPTIP should assume a leading role, given the child-protection and trafficking dimensions.

Equally, the Jigawa State Government under Governor Umar Namadi must not remain on the sidelines. A decade ago, Governor Seriake Dickson of Bayelsa did not treat Ese Orurus case as someone elses burden. He intervened decisively and stood by the victim. Jigawa should do no less for Walida.

The media and the public must resist the urge to frame this matter in inflammatory religious terms. During the Ese Oruru case, northern traditional rulers and religious leaders were hastily accused of complicity. We must not repeat that mistake or allow this situation to be cast as a religious confrontation. Just as many argued in 2016 that Yunusas actions did not represent Islam, we must also acknowledge that the alleged actions of Onyewuenyi do not represent Christianity or the DSS.

We cannot afford another cycle of collective suspicion. Responsible communication not sensationalism must guide public discourse. This is not a religious contest. It is a child rights issue. Justice must never depend on religious identity.

If Nigeria is to remain a nation governed by law rather than sentiment, then institutions especially the DSS must uphold due process, transparency, and accountability. This case must follow the same standard of judicial openness and constitutional procedure that defined the high profile Ese Oruru investigation, which the police handled with commendable neutrality.

I therefore respectfully appeal to the Director General of the DSS to act swiftly, transparently, and in full fidelity to the rule of law. As a man of established integrity, he must ensure that justice is neither delayed nor distorted. Let it never be said that under his leadership, the law became a respecter of persons or uniforms.

In cases involving alleged child exploitation or forced conversion, justice delayed is justice questioned. Institutional integrity is measured not by rhetoric but by response.

What was good for Ese Oruru must, in the interest of fairness and equity, also be good for Walida.

Yushau A. Shuaib is the author of “An Encounter with the Spymaster” and can be reached via yashuaib@yashuaib.com.

The post To DSS Boss: What Was Good for Ese Oruru Must Also Be Good for Walida Abdulhadi appeared first on YAShuaib.

On February 17, 2026, I arrived at the Lagos State Police Command Headquarters in Ikeja for a scheduled press briefing. I had travelled to Lagos a day earlier and informed the Commissioner of Police, CP Moshood Olohundare Jimoh, that I would be glad if selected PRNigeria Fellows could attend alongside me.

My relationship with CP Jimoh spans over two decades. I first encountered him when he served as the Police Public Relations Officer (PPRO) of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT). Later, he was elevated to Force Public Relations Officer, where he became an active and cerebral member of the Forum of Spokespersons of Security and Response Agencies (FOSSRA). Over the years, I have observed his evolutionnot merely in rank, but in philosophy.

The press conference commenced at exactly 1 p.m. on that Wednesday afternoon. CP Jimoh methodically reeled out the Commands challenges and accomplishments over the preceding year. His presentation was data-driven, structured, and confident. He fielded questions from journalists with composure and clarity.

After the session, I sought his permission to allow a PRNigeria Fellow to make a brief remark. He graciously obliged.

The Fellow, Adam Adebisi, introduced himself as a Lagosian and a participant in the 2025 PRNigeria Young Communication Fellowship in Ilorin. He explained that following the fellowship, he and a colleague embarked on a research project on security communication in Lagosone that had culminated in a special publication he wished to present.

A carefully wrapped package was brought forward.
As it was unwrapped, copies of a book emerged, boldly titled: CP Jimoh: The Art of Policing Lagos.

For a brief moment, the Commissioner was visibly stunned. Words failed him. The surprise was genuine.

Such unexpected unveilings are not new at the PRNigeria Centre. In 2016, I authored Sambo Dasuki: An Encounter with the Spymaster while the subject was still in detention. Similar surprise presentations followed with works such as General CG Musa in Peacekeeping: Leveraging Interagency and Civil-Military Relations, Gen. Leo Irabor: The Pearl of Defence, Impactful PR in Customs Management The CG Wale Adeniyi Example, Pantami: The Trials and Triumphs of a Digital Economy Maestro, and 47 Narratives on a Change Agent. More recently, four serving corps members co-authored Anti-Drug, Anti-Smuggling Campaigns A Corpers Chronicle and Diplomacy and Digital Innovation Youth Insight.

But this moment in Ikeja was particularly symbolic.
At a time when public confidence in institutions is under strain and the complexity of urban security continues to intensify, rigorous and evidence-based documentation of policing has become indispensable. CP Jimoh: The Art of Policing Lagos, authored by two outstanding PRNigeria FellowsAdebisi O. Adams and Shukurat T. Ibrahimarrives at a critical juncture in Nigerias security discourse.

The PRNigeria Young Communication Fellowship was conceived to nurture a new generation of communicatorsprofessionals who combine research competence, narrative discipline, and strategic insight in service of public interest. Adebisi and Shukurat exemplify this vision. Their intellectual rigour and civic commitment are evident throughout the 203-page book.

The project emerged from the Ilorin Cohort of the 2025 Fellowship. During their assignment on security communication, the authors observed that CP Jimohs policing approach in Lagos reflected a deliberate shift towards intelligence-led operations, structured information management, proactive stakeholder engagement, and ethical accountability.

Encouraged by mentors and peers, they began publishing analytical articlesalmost weeklyon evolving security dynamics in Lagos. These pieces appeared on PRNigeria, Emergency Digest, and in national newspapers, gradually positioning them as credible young voices in contemporary urban security analysis.

Those articles have now been expanded, curated, and refined into this comprehensive volume.

By choosing LagosNigerias most complex and demanding security theatrethe authors embraced an ambitious intellectual challenge. Through field observations, content analysis, institutional review, and synthesis of primary and secondary data, they document not just incidents, but institutional transition.

At the centre of their study stands CP Moshood Olohundare Jimoh, whose leadership illustrates how modern policing can move beyond reactive enforcement to become intelligence-driven, community-oriented, and communication-conscious. His efforts align with the broader reform trajectory of the Inspector-General of Police, IGP Kayode Adeolu Egbetokun, PhD, NPM, whose emphasis on professionalism and institutional renewal has created enabling space for transformative leadership across commands.

One of the books most valuable contributions lies in its focus on communication as a pillar of institutional legitimacy. In todays digital era, policing is not only about force projection; it is about narrative clarity, responsiveness, and trust-building. The authors demonstrate how structured communication can counter misinformation, strengthen cooperation, and reinforce public confidence.

This publication is a testament to what young communicators can achieve when mentorship meets discipline and opportunity. Adebisi and Shukurat have produced work that enriches policy dialogue, supports institutional learning, and elevates public understandingprecisely the mission of the PRNigeria Fellowship.

I commend the authors for their diligence and professionalism. I equally commend CP Jimoh for his openness to documentation and constructive engagementtraits that distinguish reform-minded leadership from defensive authority.

CP Jimoh: The Art of Policing Lagos is more than a book. It is a thoughtful contribution to Nigerias ongoing journey toward building a policing system that is intelligent, humane, accountable, and anchored in democratic values.

It deserves serious attentionfrom practitioners, scholars, policymakers, and citizens alike.

Yushau A. Shuaib, author of Award-Winning Crisis Communication Strategies, is Editor-in-Chief of PRNigeria yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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