One of the most remarkable and often underappreciated examples of harmonious coexistence in public office was the working relationship between former President Muhammadu Buharis two presidential spokespersons, Femi Adesina and Garba Shehu.

At the time of their appointments, many observersincluding this writeranticipated inevitable friction. In an article I wrote shortly after their emergence in June 2015 titled The Presidential Spokespersons (https://cutt.ly/ntVD9GYM), I had raised concerns over hierarchy, precedence, and the potential katakata that could arise from having two powerful media figures operating within overlapping communication responsibilities.

Traditionally, the office of Special Adviser was considered superior to that of Senior Special Assistant. Yet, contrary to fears and political predictions, both men served for eight years without any visible acrimony.

That uncommon maturity was later reflected in their best-selling memoirsWorking with Buhari by Adesina and According to the President by Shehuboth offering different yet complementary perspectives on the same administration, without bitterness or public rivalry.

Nigeria now appears to be entering another delicate institutional moment this time within its security architecture. While President Bola Ahmed Tinubu was on an official three‑nation trip to France, Kenya and Rwanda, and the National Security Adviser, Nuhu Ribadu, was representing Nigeria in high‑level meetings with U.S. Vice President J.D. Vance and Acting National Security Adviser/Secretary of State Marco Rubio in Washington, news broke announcing the appointment of retired Major General Famadewa as Adviser on Homeland Security.

The announcement generated immediate reactions within security and political circles. Though there had been speculations that some influential interests were uncomfortable with a non-military figure serving as National Security Adviser, many still considered the timing and structure of the appointment curious.

Ironically, the debate over Ribadus suitability began immediately after President Bola Tinubus inauguration in May 2023. I wrote then on The Person Needed for President Tinubus NSA, (https://cutt.ly/FtVSeT67) and later, when Ribadu was first announced as Adviser on Security Matters, I published Nuhu Ribadu and the NSAs Statutory Mandates (https://cutt.ly/YtVSr2lH). In both pieces, I argued that effective national security management is not the exclusive preserve of military officers. Globally including in the United States and the United Kingdom many national security advisers come from legal, diplomatic, intelligence, or academic backgrounds rather than active military command. That position remains valid.

The Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA) is a legally established institution with broad statutory responsibilities covering intelligence coordination, strategic security policy, counterterrorism supervision, and inter-agency collaboration. Over the years, it has evolved into the central coordinating hub of Nigerias security ecosystem.

By contrast, there is presently no clearly defined legal framework outlining the mandate of the newly created Homeland Security office. However, Presidency insiders suggest that the concept is modelled after the United States Department of Homeland Security, with focus areas expected to include immigration, civil defence, border management, and domestic intelligence coordination.

In fairness to both men, neither Ribadu nor Famadewa lacks credentials or commitment. Ribadu has shown exceptional loyalty across administrations. As EFCCs pioneer chairman under President Obasanjo, he confronted corruption head‑on, taking on politically exposed individuals once considered untouchable. As NSA under President Tinubu, he undertakes risky visits to volatile security zones, conducts intensive diplomatic shuttle missions, and consistently defends Nigeria against negative international narratives, ranging from terrorism designations to money‑laundering and governance concerns, among his statutory responsibilities.

General Famadewa, on the other hand, may not enjoy the same public visibility, given his deep roots in military intelligence operations. Intelligence officers are rarely household names. Yet, during the Buhari administration, Famadewa was widely regarded as one of the stabilising forces behind the tenure of former NSA, retired Major General Babagana Monguno.

As Principal Staff Officer at ONSA, Famadewa played strategic and operational roles during periods of intense bureaucratic and political turbulence. Despite pressures from competing interests within and outside the Presidency (Aso Rock), Monguno survived eight difficult years largely because of the institutional discipline and strategic coordination around him.

Famadewa is an intellectual soldier, a disciplined spymaster, and an unusually humble gentleman. But beneath that calm disposition lies a workaholic officer known for confronting challenges directly and methodically.

The controversy surrounding the new appointment is therefore less about competence and more about timing especially since both the NSA and the President were outside the country when it was announced. That naturally fuelled speculation.

Beyond timing, there is also concern about overlapping mandates. The titles National Security Adviser and Homeland Security Adviser are similar enough to create ambiguity in an already sensitive security environment. What exactly distinguishes national from homeland?

In bureaucratic systems, unclear lines of authority often breed rivalry, duplication, and institutional tension. This is especially delicate considering that Ribadu is a retired Assistant Inspector General of Police with strong intelligence and law enforcement credentials, while Famadewa is a retired Army Major General with intelligence expertise. In a country where inter-agency rivalry has historically weakened national security coordination, perceptions matter almost as much as policy.

Nigeria has witnessed periods when institutional harmony depended less on rank and more on personal chemistry and presidential clarity. There was even a time when an Army Colonel serving as NSA commanded greater inter-agency respect than some retired generals occupying ministerial positions. That experience demonstrated that security management effectiveness is not solely determined by hierarchy but also by charismatic leadership and presidential backing.

Another dimension of the debate is the growing public concern over what I previously described as the Yorubanisation of key security appointments. Currently, strategic positions such as the Chief of Defence Staff (Military), the Inspector General of Police (Security) and the Director-General of the DSS (Intelligence) are occupied by individuals from the same broad Yoruba ethnic bloc in the Southwest, while the NSA remains the only top‑level, non‑ministerial security position occupied by a Northerner in this case, a Fulani.

Whether fair or exaggerated, such perceptions matter in a multi-ethnic federation like Nigeria, where balancing appointments remains politically sensitive.

Professionally speaking, the controversy could have been avoided if a dedicated Department or Agency of Homeland Security had been created with a clearly defined operational framework similar to the National Counter‑Terrorism Centre under ONSA, which already operates effectively under a serving military general. Such an approach would have preserved institutional clarity and strengthened operational efficiency.

Politics may be transient, but institutional reputation endures. President Tinubu has demonstrated a strong commitment to tackling insecurity in the North, and Nuhu Ribadu has invested significant political and personal capital in defending the administrationoften at considerable reputational cost. The recent commendation by President Donald Trump on Nigerias counter‑terrorism efforts and intelligence coordination with the US military, following the elimination of ISIS/ISWAP leadership just a week after Ribadus visit to Washington, underscores this point.

It is therefore understandable that the latest arrangement has raised concerns about diminished authority or strategic sidelining.

Meanwhile, the AdesinaShehu experience under Buhari shows that duplication doesnt cause dysfunction when roles are clear and egos are managed. Our security system must be protected from turf battles, policy confusion, and political interference.

The Presidency should clarify the mandates, reassure Nigerians that the security leadership is united and focused, and likewise counter the mischievous portrayal of the appointment as kishiya in Hausa.

Anything short of timely clarification risks giving critics room to make derogatory claims of used and dumped.

Yushau A. Shuaib, author of An Encounter with the Spymaster and Award-winning Crisis Communication Strategies, yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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From time to time, I retreat into the fond memories of my youth in Delta State. Between 1992 and 1993, I served in Asaba as a member of the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC)a predominantly Christian community. In those days, faith was practised with dignity, confidence, and mutual respect. We did not merely observe our religious obligations; we lived them openly, without fear or suspicion.

During Ramadan, we undertook Islamic propagation across rural communities. It was a season of purpose and conviction. Kabir Alabi Garbanow the Weekend Editor of The Guardian newspaperswas then the Leader of the Muslim Corpers Association of Nigeria (MCAN) in Delta State. Comrade Muhammad Haruna Ibrahim, today the National President of the Senior Staff Association of Nigerian Universities (SSANU), was among the active members. So too was Hon. Muktar Aliyu Betara, now one of Nigerias longest-serving federal lawmakers.

We moved from village to village with copies of the Holy Quran. I still recall the curiosity of villagers encountering it for the first time. Some affectionately described it as the Hausa Bible. Yet many were captivated by the poetic cadence of Yusuf Alis English translation, and some embraced Islam not out of coercion, but conviction.

One memory remains especially poignant. On Sallah day, the late Asagba of Asaba, His Royal Highness Prof. Chike Edozien, hosted a feast for Muslim corpers. He welcomed us warmly, his table adorned with delicaciesincluding exotic wines. Alcohol is forbidden in Islam, but we handled the moment with courtesy and maturity. We honoured his hospitality while observing our faith. There was no tension, no outrage, no viral commentary. In that eradevoid of smartphones and social media toxicitylife was defined by civility and coexistence. Inter-ethnic marriages among corpers were not only common; they were celebrated.

Three decades later, the atmosphere feels different. Today, a harmless opinion can provoke hostility so sharp that one can often predict the critics background merely by their name. The ethno-religious fault lines are so taut that some now openly fantasise about separationas though fragmentation will magically deliver peace. We see the tragic consequences of such divisions in parts of Kaduna and Jos, where invisible walls now separate communities that once lived as neighbours.

Yet, at this very moment, Muslims and Christians across the world are simultaneously immersed in sacred seasonsRamadan and Lent. More than three billion people are engaged in prayer, fasting, and repentance. Separated by theology, yet united by a common human longing: to draw closer to the Creator through discipline and sacrifice.

Ramadan, the ninth month of the Islamic lunar calendar, commemorates the revelation of the Holy Quran to Prophet Muhammad (SAW). Lent, the forty-day Christian observance preceding Easter, recalls the fasting and temptation of Jesus Christ in the wilderness.

Muslims fast daily from Suhoor (dawn) to Iftar (sunset), abstaining from food, drink, and negative conduct. Christians observe fasting, almsgiving, and abstinence, marked by Ash Wednesdaya solemn reminder of human mortality and repentance.

Ramadan cultivates TaqwaGod-consciousnessculminating in Laylat al-Qadr, the Night of Power, before Eid al-Fitr. Lent calls believers to Metanoiaa transformative turning back to Godleading to Easter, the celebration of resurrection and hope.

For both traditions, hunger is not punishment; it is purification. It strips away distractions and awakens compassion for the vulnerable.

These practices are rooted in a shared prophetic heritage. Abraham fasted. Moses fasted. Jesus fasted. Muhammad fasted. The message across centuries is consistent: voluntary restraint strengthens the soul. The body becomes a bridge to the Divine.

Interfaith unity does not require theological uniformity. It requires recognition of sincerity. Ramadan and Lent are not rivals; they are companionstwo rivers flowing along different paths toward the same vast ocean of Divine Mercy.

The Quran reminds us: O humanity! Indeed, We created you from a male and a female and made you into peoples and tribes so that you may know one another. (Quran 49:13)

And the Bible commands: Love one another as I have loved you. (John 15:12)

If we can carry the humility of fasting, the empathy born of hunger, and the discipline of prayer beyond our mosques and churches, perhaps we can rediscover the Nigeria I knew in 1992-93a country where faith built bridges rather than barriers.

Ramadan and Lent invite us back to that possibility.

Yushau A. Shuaib
Author of An Encounter with the Spymaster
yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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When U.S. President Donald Trump recently renewed his fixation with what he described as “Christian genocide” in Nigeriagoing as far as calling the country a “disgraced nation”I couldn’t help but laugh. Not because Nigeria’s security challenges are trivial, but because Trump’s history of loud, reckless, and contradictory outbursts makes it difficult for any serious observer to take him at face value.

This is the same Trump who, during his first tenure, described Nigeria among African “shithole countries” and labelled then-President Muhammadu Buhari as “lifeless.” He once confronted Buhari with the question, “Why are you killing Christians?”, despite being widely known for superficial engagement with facts. No American leader in modern times has displayed Trump’s blend of theatrical tantrums, political sensationalism, and Hollywood-style dramatics.

Trump’s behaviour is often stranger than fiction. Before the New York mayoral election, he repeatedly attacked Zohran Mamdani, a Muslim politician of South Asian descent born in Uganda, Africa, calling him a “communist” and threatening to punish New York City if he won. Trump vowed to slash federal funding, deploy the National Guard, and even suggested arresting him over immigration disagreements. Yet despite Trump’s intimidation, Mamdani wonproof that Trump’s political threats often collapse under their own emptiness.

His track record is replete with contradictions. He loudly condemns alleged “Islamists” in Nigeria yet openly courted controversial figures abroadincluding a former “terrorist leader” turned Syrian president, Ahmed al-Sharaa meeting him both in Saudi Arabia and at the White House. Despite presenting himself as a defender of persecuted Christians, Trump’s positions are dictated more by political theatre and personal interests than principle.

He once peddled a fabricated narrative of “white genocide” in South Africa, later dismissed by experts as propaganda. For someone whose policies contributed to the Gaza Genocide against Palestinians and whose rhetoric often inflames divisions, it is astonishing that some Nigerians still treat his statements as gospel truth.

Yet, certain political actors and ethnic propagandists celebrated Trump’s threat to “invade Nigeria,” as though foreign military intervention were a badge of honour. Thankfully, prominent Christian voicesespecially officials from the Middle Belt, including Benue State Governor Reverend Father Hyacinth Alia and Secretary to the Government of the Federation Senator George Akume, as well as vocal public commentators from Southern Nigeria such as Femi Fani-Kayode and Reno Omokrifirmly rejected the genocide narrative, affirming that violence in Nigeria affects Muslims and Christians alike.

Ironically, when Muslims attempted to counter the propaganda, some were accused of never condemning terrorism. But truth is not built on emotion. As a Muslim my writings over two decadesincluding 2003’s “Sharia: Between Civilisation and Belief,” 2006’s “Killing in the Name of the Devil,” 2012’s “Boko Haram and Political Elites in Northern Nigeria,” and 2018’s “Still on Murderous Fulani Kidnappers,” among othersdemonstrate consistent condemnation of all violent crimes, irrespective of perpetrators’ religion or region. My blog, www.yashuaib.com, further archives these personal opinion articles. Not everyone is a hypocrite. Some of us speak from conviction, not convenience.

Security as well as investigative media reports reveal that the so-called “Christian genocide” narrative was constructed mainly by disgruntled Middle Belt activists, IPOB sympathisers, and foreign lobby groups disguised as NGOs. While some Christian communities document every casualty, Muslim communitieswho have suffered the brunt of Boko Haram, banditry and state violence such as the 2016 Zaria Shiite massacrerarely do so. Terrorists have ravaged entire Muslim-majority towns in the North, but their tragedies lack global amplification because they do not fit a convenient foreign narrative.

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu acted maturely by dispatching a delegation led by National Security Adviser Nuhu Ribadu to engage U.S. authorities. Observers noted that the Chief of Defence Staff, General Olufemi Oluyede, Inspector General of Police, Kayode Egbetokun and Chief of Defence Intelligence, Lt General Emmanuel Parker Undiandeye all Christianswere on that delegation. If there were a coordinated genocide against Christians, would these respected top security chiefs be complicit?

After every engagement involving Nigeria’s delegationincluding Attorney General Lateef Fagbemi and Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Bianca Ojukwu, with American authorities, deeply irresponsible official statements followed. Freshman U.S. Congressman Riley Moore mentioned “Christians” eight times without acknowledging Muslims who are also terrorism victims. Similarly, U.S. Secretary of Defence/War Pete Hegseth’s office emphasised “protection of Christians” and “stopping violence against Christians in Nigeria.”

What about other Nigerians who suffer the same violence? What is the agenda behind this selective framing? Are Muslims and other communities expected to remain silent in the face of such reckless rhetoric? This one-sided narrative sends a troubling messageas though Muslim lives do not matter in the scheme to undermine Nigeria. Even more unfortunate is that some Nigerians are celebrating this distortion, as if the rest of us are no longer their brothers and sisters in nationhood.

Meanwhile, as Ribadu’s delegation sought to clarify Nigeria’s secular stance in the USA, Trump welcomed Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman at the White House. He approved a major defence pact, facilitated F-35 jet sales, and celebrated investment commitments worth hundreds of billions of dollars. Saudi Arabiathe spiritual heart of global Islamwas also designated a major U.S. ally, while Nigeria was labelled a “country of concern.” Trump’s selective morality is guided not by religious solidarity but by strategic and financial interests.

This makes one thing clear: Nigeria must resist being drawn into emotional propaganda. Americans, as responsible people, will never sanction the invasion of Nigeria over flimsy and concocted excuses as if we are a banana republic. Trump’s threats are mere bluster. The real danger lies in foreign-funded lobbyistsboth locally and internationallydriving the genocide narrative. Once Nigeria ceases to trend, they will shift their campaign elsewhere.

It would not be surprising if, realising that Trump is not coming, the so-called Christian genocide claimants may turn to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu with claims that Jews are persecuted in Nigeria. Such a scenario would be absurd, yet not impossibleeven though the most vocal self-proclaimed “Nigerian Jew” is currently serving a terrorism sentence in Sokoto.

Nigeria’s security crises are real but not religious genocide. They stem from criminality, governance failures, climate pressure and economic distressnot state persecution.

Nigeria must confront these challenges honestly, rejecting foreign labels designed to fracture our unity.

The question remains: Is Trump protecting Nigerian Christiansor his own political and business interests, often in competition with China?

Yushau A. Shuaib is the author of “An Encounter with the Spymaster.” yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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In a nation gripped by tension and political intrigue, even the simple act of celebrating birthdays and anniversaries of public figures can feel like a forgotten ritual. Yet, amidst the noise of political realignments and verbal skirmishessuch as the recent fallout between former allies Mallam Nasir El-Rufai and Mallam Nuhu Ribadu over national security and 2027 calculationscame a moment of quiet significance: President Bola Ahmed Tinubu personally penned a heartfelt birthday tribute to Vice President Kashim Shettima.

Was I surprised? Not entirely. For over a year, speculation has swirled around the nature of the relationship between Tinubu, the former Lagos governor, and Shettima, the former Borno governor. Rumours of a frosty dynamic have persisted, despite Shettimas pivotal role in Tinubus 2023 victoryrallying Northern support and standing firm when many doubted Tinubus ambition.

While political actors maintained a faade of harmony, it was evident that Shettimas visibility had diminished. In my May 2024 article, Tinubus Presidency: Where is Senator Shettima?, I raised concerns about Shettimas diminished visibility since the inauguration. Despite his reputation for inclusive leadership and his history of mentoring capable successors, Shettima appeared sidelined. Key responsibilities were centralised under Tinubu and his Lagos-based kitchen cabinet.

I reflected in that article that, the Shettima we see today is a far cry from the ebullient, assertive leader we once knew. His current role lacks the definition and authority traditionally accorded to vice presidents. Unlike previous Vice Presidents who had clearer portfolios, Shettimas mandate appeared blurred. Agencies traditionally aligned with the Vice President were merged or reassigned. Even on issues affecting the North, he seemed muted. Raising questions about his relevance in the current power structure.

In that piece, I warned that excluding such a crucial ally could have grave political costs. I advised Tinubu to re-engage Shettima and disillusioned supporters to counter perceptions of Yorubanisation of power and to avoid alienating the coalition that brought him victory.

Compounding this uncertainty are whispers that Shettima may not return as Tinubus running mate in 2027. The speculation is fraught with religious and regional sensitivities. Replacing him with another Muslim could provoke backlashAnother Muslim again?while choosing a Christian might stir discontent among Northern Muslims, especially given perceptions that Christians, particularly of Yoruba descent of the South-West, have secured more strategic appointments in security, economy, and governance.

In this delicate equation and dilemma, to many observers, Shettima remains the bridge. His northern roots, moderate outlook, and political resilience provide Tinubu balance in a country where ethno-religious sensitivities still shape electoral outcomes.

Against this backdrop, Tinubus birthday message to Shettima on September 2, 2025, was more than ceremonialit was politically symbolic. The President praised Shettimas courage, sense of duty, tenacity, and loyalty, describing him as a loyal partner whose fresh perspectives enrich governance. He acknowledged their shared vision under the Renewed Hope Agenda, which aims to transform Nigeria through economic reforms, strategic partnerships, and improved social services.

Most striking was Tinubus closing remark: Our relationship transcends official duties. It is a bridge across regions and traditions, united in purpose and service. You remind us of what is possible when Nigeria comes first an example worthy of emulation by those who aspire to lead.

This statement, if sincere, signals a potential reseta reaffirmation of unity and mutual respect between the two leaders. It offers hope for political stability and a more inclusive governance approach moving forward.

The public endorsement of Shettima could also reset perceptions, calm speculation, and solidify his coalition ahead of 2027. For Shettima, it is also an opportunity to reclaim his old ebullience, to project leadership beyond symbolic appearances, and to assert his relevance as a faithful and loyal ally in Tinubus administration.

As I extend my own birthday wishes to Vice President Shettima, I also hope this moment marks the beginning of a renewed partnershipone that reflects the spirit of national cohesion and shared purpose that Nigeria so desperately needs. Because in a country as fragile as Nigeria, unity at the highest level is not just desirableit is indispensable.

Yushau A. Shuaib is the author of Award Winning Crisis Communication Strategies www.YAShuaib.com yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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By Yushau A. Shuaib

When the Nigerian Institute of Public Relations (NIPR) introduced Marine and Blue Economy as a new category in its annual National Spokespersons Awards (NSAwards), few anticipated the overwhelming response it would attract. Yet, the category garnered more entries than any other, reflecting growing interest and competition among major players in the maritime sector.

The NSAwards, instituted by Image Merchants Promotion Limitedpublishers of PRNigeria and Economic Confidentialin partnership with the NIPR, celebrates exceptional communicators and spokespersons across diverse fields. Held during the National Spokespersons Summit, the awards event is a platform for knowledge exchange, professional recognition, and elevating communication standards in Nigeria.

My curiosity about the Blue Economy was first piqued when President Bola Ahmed Tinubu created the Ministry of Marine and Blue Economy in 2023, appointing former Osun State Governor Alhaji Gboyega Oyetola as its pioneer minister. Like many Nigerians, I initially questioned the relevance of a ministry with a seemingly vague and unfamiliar mandate. That perception changed when the Ministers spokesperson, Mr Ismail Omipidan, reached out to the editorial board ofEconomic Confidentialfor advocacy support in raising awareness about the new ministry’s objectives and potential.

The “Blue” in Blue Economy refers to the oceans, seas, rivers, lakes, and other freshwater bodies that appear blue due to how water reflects and absorbs light. Just as the “Green Economy” promotes sustainability on land through eco-friendly practices in agriculture and forestry, the “Blue Economy” centres on water-based economic activities anchored on environmental stewardship and long-term resource regeneration.

Belgian economist Gunter Pauli popularised the modern concept of the Blue Economy in his 2010 book,The Blue Economy: 10 Years, 100 Innovations, 100 Million Jobs. Pauli introduced a regenerative economic model inspired by natural ecosystems, where outputs from one industry become inputs for another. His vision emphasised zero waste, innovation, and job creation in ocean-based sectors.

Before Paulis articulation, similar ideas existed under terms like “marine economy” or “ocean economy.” However, after the 1992 Earth Summit in Rio, sustainability in ocean governance gained formal attention, even if the term Blue Economy had not yet entered the mainstream.

In acknowledging the sector’s potential, President Tinubu has tasked one of Nigerias leading policy institutions with developing a national strategy for the Blue Economy. As a proud member of the NIPR (mnipr), I observed that, unlike the finance and oil and gas sectors, communication professionals have yet to fully embrace or amplify the Blue Economys narratives in Nigeria.

In its most basic definition, the Blue Economy involves the sustainable use of oceanic and aquatic resources to drive economic growth, improve livelihoods, and preserve marine ecosystems for future generations. While public awareness remains limited, a growing body of literature and expert analysis affirms that Nigeria stands to benefit immensely from this model.

Its expansive scope includes fisheries, maritime transport, offshore oil and gas, marine biotechnology, coastal tourism, and renewable ocean energy. Yet, Nigerias current performance across these sectors remains under-documented, underscoring the need for structured communication and policy clarity.

Globally, several countries offer compelling models. Norway leads in aquaculture innovation. Kenya exemplifies strong inter-agency coordination. Seychelles excels in conservation financing. Mauritius and India have adopted smart port technologies, while Senegal demonstrates best practices in grassroots fisheries governance. Locally, the Lekki Deep Sea Port stands out as a promising infrastructure that aligns with Blue Economy aspirations.

Despite these prospects, the sector faces significant challenges: overfishing, inadequate funding, maritime insecurity, institutional overlap, and weak policy enforcement. These issues require a national communications strategy that can bridge knowledge gaps, attract investment, and mobilise public and private sector participation.

Agencies under the Ministrysuch as the Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency (NIMASA), Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA), National Inland Waterways Authority (NIWA) and the Nigerian Shippers Councilmust activate their public relations departments for proactive, sustained campaigns that highlight their mandates, impact, and strategic relevance. Additionally, critical stakeholders, including the Nigerian Navy and international partners, should support outreach efforts that generate grassroots buy-in and foster trust in policy.

The success of Nigerias Blue Economy will depend not only on sound policy, data-driven planning, and infrastructure investment but also on robust public communication. Without effective messaging, even the most innovative frameworks risk being misunderstood or underutilized.

This is where the NIPR can play a pivotal role. As Nigerias statutory body for public relations, the Institute is well-positioned to lead strategic communication efforts through public enlightenment, stakeholder engagement, professional capacity-building, and international collaboration.

Multilingual awareness campaigns can demystify the Blue Economy and educate citizensespecially in coastal communitieson its benefits. Policy advocacy can be amplified through partnerships with government institutions and the private sector, while town halls and community dialogues can increase local ownership and participation.

Media training, exposure visits, and the promotion of success stories in marine tourism, aquaculture, and renewable energy will inspire confidence and attract investors and development partners.

The NIPR can help reposition the Blue Economy as a cornerstone of Nigerias sustainable development agenda by championing these communication initiatives. These efforts could elevate Nigerias profile as a regional leader in maritime policy, innovation, and environmental sustainability if well-executed.

Yushau A. Shuaibis the author of“Award-Winning Crisis Communication Strategies”and“A Dozen Tips for Media Relations.”He can be reached via:yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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My first encounter with Usman Ododo occurred at PRNigeria Centre Abuja in February 2021, exactly four years ago, when he sought strategic communication supports for Governor Yahaya Bellos aspirations. He portrayed a committed and loyal aide, yet I found it peculiar that he never mentioned his own political ambitions. It was through our legal adviser, the now Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN) Yunus Abdulsalam, who accompanied him, that I learned Ododo was likely to be the anointed candidate of then-Governor Yahaya Bello.

At the time, I struggled to understand how Yahaya Belloa charismatic and high-profile governorcould endorse someone who struck me as remarkably humble and reserved, lacking the typical boastfulness and vainglory associated with Nigerian politicians. As the Auditor General for Local Governments, Usman Ododo had never served as a flamboyant commissioner in a lucrative ministry or as the chief executive of a prominent state agency. Despite his low political profile, I later learned that he had been quietly supporting philanthropic initiatives through various groups and individuals, benefiting communities across the state. Interestingly, these efforts were often perceived as coming from Yahaya Bello himself, likely due to Ododos evident admiration for the governor.

A few days later, I received an invitation from a respected media colleague to attend a press engagement with Governor Yahaya Bello. This encounter later became the subject of my article, “Governor Yahaya Bello for President of Nigeria?” In it, I reflected on our earlier acquaintance when he served as a National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) member and was subsequently offered automatic employment at the Revenue Mobilisation Allocation and Fiscal Commission (RMAFC). At the time, I served as Head of Press and Public Relations from 1999 to 2005.

I noticed Bellos intense publicity push, especially regarding his controversial stance on the COVID-19 pandemic, which he infamously downplayed as a glorified malaria. He consistently defied safety measures, opposed vaccination efforts, and countered public health narrativesactions that attracted significant media attention, similar to former U.S. President Donald Trump.

Despite facing a barrage of criticisms from formidable opposition forces both within and outside the state, which often cast him as a controversial figure and undermined his notable strides and achievements in empowerment, revenue generation, infrastructure development, and other areas, Yahaya Bello as an achiever remains one of the most misunderstood governors of the Buhari era.

During the meeting, I informed Yahaya Bello of Usman Ododo’s support for his presidential aspirations. In response, the governor smiled and downplayed Ododo’s role, saying, “Watch out for that guy… he is a perfect candidate for the future.”

Intrigued, I began researching Ododos background. Born on January 1, 1978, in Okene, he pursued academics at the Federal Polytechnic Bida, where he earned both a National Diploma and a Higher National Diploma in Accounting, later obtaining a B.Sc. in Accounting (Forensic) from Achievers University, Owo. His professional trajectory included positions as Assistant Manager of Revenue at the Power Holding Company of Nigeria (PHCN) and Finance Manager at the National Power Training Institute of Nigeria (NAPTIN). In 2016, Governor Yahaya Bello appointed him Auditor General of Local Governments in Kogi State. His financial management and compliance expertise earned him memberships in esteemed organisations such as the Nigeria Institute of Management (NIM), the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria (ICAN), and the Chartered Institute of Taxation of Nigeria.

While serving as Auditor General, Ododo was nominated as the gubernatorial candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC) and subsequently won the 2024 governorship election at age 46.

A defining aspect of Ododos character is his unwavering loyalty, humility, and sincerity. His deep allegiance to Bello has drawn both admiration and criticism. Many believe Bello’s endorsement of Ododo was a calculated move intended to preserve his political legacy and influence within the state.

As governor, Usman Ododo has demonstrated remarkable loyalty to his predecessor, even going so far as to assist Bello in evading scrutiny and arrest, as reported. Ododos administration largely mirrors Bellos policies, emphasizing strong alignment with his predecessor’s political interests.

In a nation where anointed candidates often turn against their benefactors, Ododos steadfast loyalty to Yahaya Bello stands out as exceptional. His readiness to confront federal agencies, such the Economic and Financial Commission (EFCC), raises questions about his priorities. This loyalty is not merely political; it appears personal and calculated, though it comes with risks of potential political isolation and damage to reputation.

Despite not being particularly outspoken or inclined to grant press interviews, Ododo has been quietly impacting the state through infrastructure development, reconciliation with opposition groups, and fostering peaceful coexistence.

A recent executive summary of a monthly PRNigeria media review on Kogi State highlights a mix of positive efforts, security challenges, and political developments. The report indicates that Ododos administration is commended for budgetary allocations, welfare initiatives, and infrastructural projects, although security threats and political controversies dominate public discourse. The report suggested that strengthening security, project implementation and judicious utilisation of resources and strategic media relations will be vital for sustaining positive public perception and effective governance.

Meanwhile, to gauge the sentiments of Kogi indigenes, I consulted Mojeed Dahiru, a respected public commentator and columnist from Okene. He commented, Ododo has a peaceful disposition he views himself as a governor for all, striving to build consensus among political leaders, ethnic groups, and religious communities, even engaging with the opposition.

Similarly, I reached out to Haruna Abdullahi Haruspice, a renowned social media influencer and Igala chieftaincy titleholder, to gain insight into Ododo’s leadership style. While praising the governor, Haruspice noted that he demonstrates a humane approach to leadership, marked by remarkable humility, particularly in the face of adversity and hostile environments. Moreover, he highlighted Ododo’s promising prospects for ensuring equitable distribution of government interventions across the state.

An Abuja-based youth activist, Shuaibu Omoolowo, described Usman Ododo as a leader who has demonstrated the potential to steer Kogi State toward a prosperous future. He noted that while Ododo remains loyal to the former Governor, who continues to serve as a guiding figure in his career, Bellos influence does not interfere with his decision-making, allowing him to take independent actions and lead with autonomy.

Despite the commendations, concerns persist regarding perceived favoritism or nepotism, especially in appointments and resource allocation from some quarters.

The pathway ahead for Governor Usman Ododo requires a careful balance between loyalty and the democratic ideals of accountability to the people of Kogi State.

Someone once posed a simple yet profound question that remains unanswered: In loyalty to Yahaya Bello, what does Ododo really want?

Yushau A. Shuaib is the author of *An Encounter with the Spymaster. yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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Its shocking and laughable that ruling parties, which barely secured victories in gubernatorial elections, are now winning local government council elections by landslides.

In some states, even parties that had never won elections are sweeping council seats, often at the behest of influential governors seeking to undermine their political rivals. For instance,Governor Siminalayi Fubara of Rivers State exemplifies how to win elections despite lacking support from traditional power brokers.

The abuse of local government councils by state governors in Nigeria is a pressing concern that threatens the very foundation of our democratic structure. While the Federal Government ensures timely disbursement of funds to all tiers of government through the Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC), the reality is that many governors exert undue control over local government resources. This is particularly evident in the misuse of the State Local Government Joint Accounts (SLGJA), which, though intended to streamline funding, often become instruments of financial manipulation at the state level.

Recognising that the Federal Government guarantees each tier of government its statutory allocations, state governors have no legitimate reason to deny local councils their rightful share. This was underscored by the landmark Supreme Court ruling on July 11, 2024, which mandated direct federal allocation for elected councils to curb gubernatorial interference in local government finances.

However, with limited access to local government revenue after the ruling, many governors swiftly orchestrated elections to consolidate control over council positions and finances. The predictable results have seen ruling parties dominate the polls in nearly every state. These so-called victories do little to inspire confidence, as the elected officials often act as mere extensions of gubernatorial power.

The lack of genuine competition is hardly surprising, given that the governor’s appointees manage each State Independent Electoral Commission (SIEC). The recent wave of local elections follows a clear pattern: handpicked candidates of the preferred parties consistently win and easily claim the titles of LG chairpersons and councillors through questionable processes, often coordinated behind the scenes by the governors.

While one might expect an outcry over the shambolic LG elections, only a few voices have raised concerns. The election observation group Yiaga Africa recently highlighted the troubling development and recommended civic education, genuine competition and a transparent electoral process. Unfortunately, the entrenched realities make these ideals’ recommendations almost unattainable.

These actions of some of the governors threaten to undermine the legitimacy of future elections, including gubernatorial and presidential contests. It would not be surprising if President Bola Ahmed Tinubu faced pressure to replicate this manipulative election strategy of governors in the 2027 general elections. The logic is simple: if governors can manipulate elections to their advantage with relative ease, why shouldnt the president do the same at the national level?

Sadly, disobedience to court orders and manipulation of local judges are similarly rampant at the state level, rendering adjudications predictable. For instance, some state-controlled courts of justice, which handle local mattersincluding traditional issues and chieftaincy titlesfunction as extensions of their governors, lacking genuine impartiality and integrity.

The stronghold of governors on local governance is unmistakable, surpassing the President’s influence over state administrations as they wield significant control despite judicial efforts to safeguard local autonomy.”

Meanwhile, under Tinubus federal administration, the Supreme Court has acted as an independent arbiter, often favouring opposition parties. For instance, following the last general elections and rulings of tribunals, the apex court upheld the victories of opposition candidates, including Governor Abba Yusuf of the New Nigerian Peoples Party (NNPP) in Kano, Governor Caleb Mutfwang of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in Plateau, and Governor Alex Otti of the Labour Party (LP) in Abia among others.

While the Supreme Court’s mandate for direct funding is a positive step, governors’ continued dominance over local governments is still apparent. Yet, the Federal Government continues the transparent disbursements of statutory allocations to states without interference. Why can’t state governments reciprocate such by ensuring local governments receive their fair share of internally generated revenue (IGR) without also encroaching on their legitimate federal allocations?

The conduct of governors may have set a worrying precedent and questioned their commitment to fiscal federalism and the principles of local governance.

I strongly urge the Minister of Justice and Attorney General of the Federation, Lateef Fagbemi, and the Finance Minister, Mr. Wale Edun, to take decisive action to protect local governments’ administrative and financial rights. They must implement mechanisms to ensure local councils have political autonomy and receive their financial entitlements without the risk of misappropriation by state authorities.

Local governments must be granted full political and economic autonomy to function effectively as the grassroots arm of governance. The future of our democratic governance hinges on the equitable treatment of all tiers of government, ensuring that local councils can genuinely serve their communities with the resources they rightfully deserve.

For Nigerias democracy to thrive, we must hold local elections to a higher standard. Despite its flaws, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) still performs better than SIECs, whose inefficiency and bias are becoming more apparent.

The debate over federalism versus centralisation will undoubtedly arise. However, a balance between federal and state powers is essential. If reforming SIECs proves unfeasible, INEC oversight may be necessary to safeguard democratic governance at the local level.

If citizens remain silent on recent flawed local elections conducted by some state governments, they should equally accept potentially compromised gubernatorial and presidential elections that the federal government could conduct in the future, possibly in 2027. After all, what’s good for the goose is good for the gander.

Yushau A. Shuaib, publisher of PRNigeria and Economic Confidential
yashuaib@yashuaib.com

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By Yushau A. Shuaib

The 2023 Electoral Committee of the Nigerian Institute of Public Relations (NIPR) has cleared 29 candidates vying for the seats of 18 Governing Council members of the institution.

The election will be held at NIPRs Annual General Meeting (AGM) and Conference, with the theme, “Leadership, Public Relations and Value Creation,” in Abuja, today August 24, 2023.

The Chairman and Secretary of the electoral committee, Chief Casca Ogosu and Mr. Uzoma Onyegbadue told the Spokespersons Digest, a sister publication of PRNigeria that among the 29-list candidates, 18 of them have achieved the esteemed status of being Fellows of the Institute, with an additional nine candidates entering the fray as Members, while one person is an Associate Member.

According to the NIPR Act, after voting, the elected Governing Council members will form an Electoral College to further elect the President and Vice President of the association, who would double as Chairman and Vice Chairman of the Governing Council of NIPR for a tenure of two years each.

The major contenders for the presidency of the institute are two Fellows, Mrs. Nkechi Ali-Balogun, of the Lagos Chapter, and Dr. Ike Neliaku of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Chapter.

While I am reluctant to get involved in the typical politicking around the candidates, I must say that the two major gladiators are exceptional PR professionals whose professionalism, competence, capability, and performance on the job I can vouch for.

I have known Dr. Ike Neliaku since 1994 when I was deployed to the Federal Ministry of Information as a staff, after winning the 1993 Presidential National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) award, which came with automatic employment in the Federal Civil Service.

Neliaku, who had previously won the same award in 1991, was then the Personal Assistant to the Minister of Information, who not only guided me through the rudiments of work in the civil service but equally gave me unforgettable moral and kind support to ease into the new work environment.

I recall vividly how he had strongly urged me to sustain my regular article writings, which were being recognised for awards and honours at that time. In fact, he was delighted with some of the books I wrote subsequently whose endorsements he facilitated with the Minister, while also helping secure written Forewords by Ministers. He has also been a guest at our events, including the Annual Spokespersons Communication Awards (SCA) and book presentations. The more recent instance was during the book I unveiled in honour of the most charismatic minister in the immediate past administration, Professor Ali Isa Pantami.

On the other hand, while I know Mrs Nkechi Ali Balogun as the quintessential Woman in PR, going by her activities and accomplishments as Chairperson of the Lagos chapter of NIPR in the past, our paths have equally crossed on several occasions at national and international PR events. She always has kind words of appreciation for encouraging efforts, presentations and performances at such occasions.

I can attest to the fact that both Neliaku and Ali-Balogun are highly creative, result-oriented, widely networked and well-grounded, yet they are distinct personalities with peculiar strengths and senses of purpose.

A Fellow of NIPR, and a Senior Member of the African Public Relations Association (APPRA), Mrs Nkechi Ali-Balogun is the Principal Consultant/CEO of NECCI Limited, a PR firm based in Lagos. She had previously worked as Head of Corporate Affairs at prominent banks, NEXIM and Equitorial Trust Bank.

She holds a first degree in English/Education and a Masters degree in Mass Communication from the University of Lagos. She also obtained an MBA in Management from the University of Nigeria, Nsukka.

On his part, Neliaku attended the University of Jos, where he obtained a Bachelor of Arts degree in Theatre Arts in 1989 and thereafter a Masters degree in Political Economy, and a PhD in Development Studies, both from the University of Abuja. Having served as Special Assistant to the Ministers of Information, as well as that of Cooperation and Africa Integration, he was later appointed as Senior Special Assistant to the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria between 2010 and 2015. He is currently the Executive Vice Chairman, of Rightangle PR and Executive Secretary/Member of the Governing Board of the Nigerian Prize for Leadership.

While NIPR members, mostly from the Lagos axis, testify to the fact that Nkechis track record is steeped in competence, unwavering ethical values, and proven leadership ability, the PR professionals in the Abuja axis have described Neliaku as emotionally intelligent, relationship-driven, skilful in managing different interests and tested in managing power and public assets.

The two candidates have both unveiled their different agendas ahead of the election. While Nkechi unveiled a 7-point Agenda, Neliakus promises for taking the NIPR to great heights are anchored on a 9-point Agenda.

In a statement titled, Lets Make History Together, Nkechi outlines her vision for the institute, as she listed her agenda to include: Caderisation by strengthening professional cadres to ensure excellence at all levels; organisational renewal, by breathing new life into our institute; a befitting secretariat by providing NIPR with the infrastructure it deserves and increased revenue generation by sustaining and expanding initiatives.

Other pledges she is making to members comprise: Digitization by embracing technology for efficiency and reach; Improving Chapter Capacity and Collaboration and Global Recognition and Affiliations.

Similarly, in his agenda, Neliaku promises to work towards the establishment of the first African Public Relations University in Nigeria, having conducted project feasibility and viability studies for the NIPR-owned PR university with the support of the Education Advisory Board, as a finishing school for PR practitioners.

He listed his agenda as follows: Reposition the National Secretariat for effective administration; enhance membership value and professional development, Ensure digitalisation of the institutes operations and elevate the institutes national recognition; empower state chapters for greater viability and sustainability.

More so Neliaku seeks to: ensure regulatory compliances and strengthen the rank and status of NIPR Fellows; special projects for sustainable revenue generation; initiate the development of Nigerian Reputation House in Abuja and facilitating the establishment of Africas First Public Relations University in Nigeria.

Both candidates have been assuring their colleagues that they have the reputation to deliver on their campaign promises of making NIPR a beacon of professionalism and excellence.

While I wish my sister, Nkechi Ali-Balogun, and my brother, Ike Neliaku, the very best in todays AGM and election, I urge them to see the election as a contest among siblings and not war, as this will sustain and improve the relationship not only among them but also among all the members of the perception and reputation management profession.

Yushau A. Shuaib. Author of “A Dozen Tips for Media,” “Writings for the Media,” “Financial Public Relations” and “Award-Winning Crisis Communication Strategies”
www.YAShuaib.com, yashuaib@yahoo.com

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What can one do when the terrorists (Boko Haram/ISWAP) who claim to be Muslims living among Muslims are killing Muslims without any mercy?

I just watched a video of Kanuri converts to other religion when the leadership and majority of Boko Haram are from the same ethnic group

What can one do when the terrorists (Boko Haram/ISWAP) who claim to be Muslims living among Muslims are killing Muslims without any mercy? At least 80% of abducted travellers between Maiduguri and Damaturu on the New year days are MUSLIMS.

Only those deeply-knowledgeable on Islam and strong-hearted would never doubt their faith when lunatics create wrong impressions on the noble teaching of Prophet Muhammad (SAW).

A Muslim is not only a believer by birth but by studying the holy scriptures, understanding, observing and practicing the tenets and principles of Islam. That is why I am proud to be a Muslim as I campaign against terrorists committing monstrous atrocities in the name of Islam in North-East and elsewhere.

And the NAKED TRUTH IS THAT THE PEOPLE IN THE COMMUNITIES KNOW THEM. Not all of us can be fooled.

Yushau A. Shuaib

www.YAShuaib.com

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